The impact of one unit on Sindh’s political future after its abolition

Pakistan's federalism problem dates all the way back to the establishment of the republic. Pakistan was established during many problems, many of which involved the state's government and administration. After Pakistan's inception, Federalism has been recognized as a political structure. The Muslim League was Pakistan's democratic body, and it called for the provinces of United India to have complete provincial autonomy. In the other side, the Congress favored a moderate federation. Due to the Muslim League's extensive past and tradition, it has been forced to recognize Federalism as a state system. Karachi, a major commercial center in Sindh, was annexed by the federal government and incorporated into its region. As a consequence of this undemocratic act, Sindh's ministry was dissolved, and Karachi was put under federal administration. The smaller provinces were compelled to form One Unit as a result of this development. The One-unit structure scrapped Sindh's territorial position and fundamentally altered its demography. After Bengal's dismemberment, Punjab became the only ruling state, controlling the state structure. Sindh remained marginalized in this province. Sindh has always met with the same fate. Furthermore, Pakistan's constitutions made no provision for Sindh's provincial hegemony. This thesis makes an empirical attempt to examine the historical connection between the Centre and Sindh.

Implications of ethno-linguistic politics on the national integration in Pakistan

The problem of national integration can be found mostly in the developing countries. The post-colonial period holds great significance in this connection. The governments of those countries did introduce different kinds of strategies to ensure national integration but failed. National integration is a big issue in Pakistan and the main reason is multi-cultural society having conflicting ethno-linguistic interests. No ruler or government seems to have honestly tried to resolve this turbulent issue. All groups living in Pakistan have many kinds of grievances. The unfair distribution of wealth is faced by all groups. The state espoused authoritarian policy to establish its position and power. Baluchistan has natural gas but is the poorest province. Similarly, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa produces electricity of Pakistan but faces more load shedding than other provinces. As for as the attainment and maintenance of national integration are concerned, provincial autonomy and strong federal institutions are the prerequisites. Only those countries have achieved national integration in the post-colonial period who have adopted pluralistic and rejected assimilationist approach. Strengthening of political institutions and federal system can redress the grievances of the oppressed groups. In this paper the researcher has tried to discuss implications of ethno-linguistic politics on national integration in Pakistan.

Canada opposition parties gain ground as Liberals slip

Significance Trudeau’s gamble in calling a federal election on his pandemic record two years earlier than necessary has raised the possibility of a change of government, as the Conservatives widen their appeal with a centrist stance. The campaign has already been defined by an unusual degree of bitterness. Impacts If the Conservatives maintain their lead, progressive Canadians will vote tactically to strengthen the Liberals. A centre-right Conservative government is unlikely to produce a dramatic shift in policy direction for the country. A Conservative government supported by the Bloc Quebecois will see Quebec solidify and augment its provincial autonomy. If Trudeau is defeated, his replacement as party leader is likely to be Chrystia Freeland, his most impressive Liberal rival.

Federalism and Provincial Autonomy in Pakistan: A Case of Balochistan

The present study intends to explore the various aspects of the issue of provincial autonomy in the entire federation of Pakistan in general and in Baluchistan in particular and prescribes their possible resolution. Although federal system of government remains essential for diverse societies like Pakistan, it has not been able to lessen the grievances of its various units, particularly Baluchistan, over the period of time due to poor implementation of the policies. The 18th amendment in the constitution discourages the centralization of power and demands political and economic autonomy of the smaller provinces like Baluchistan, but the authoritarian trend of our political system has never permitted it to happen. The study suggests that deprivation of the people of Baluchistan can be ended by strengthening the federation of Pakistan with the help of a few viable steps like Decentralization of power and restoration of democratic values.

After the Flood

This chapter documents the long-term consequences of the Euphrates’ channel shift that occurred in the late seventeenth century. The rural order established by the Ottoman administration from the sixteenth century unraveled. The herders’ associations sponsored by the state disintegrated and gave way to assertive tribal confederations that regularly clashed with Ottoman authorities. To restore order, Istanbul empowered the governor of Baghdad Hasan Pasha, who fulfilled his mandate while pursuing his own personal agenda. He established a household that transformed into a provincial dynasty called the Pashalik of Baghdad, in control of the most important positions in the Ottoman provincial government. By the end of the eighteenth century, this trend toward provincial autonomy would place the most critical stretches of the Tigris and Euphrates under the command of Baghdad, which made the most important decisions related to navigation and irrigation.

Rivers of the Sultan

Rivers of the Sultan offers a history of the Ottoman Empire’s management of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers in the early modern period. During the early sixteenth century, a radical political realignment in West Asia placed the reins of the Tigris and Euphrates in the hands of Istanbul. The political unification of the longest rivers in West Asia allowed the Ottoman state to rebalance the natural resource disparity along its eastern frontier. It regularly organized the shipment of grain, metal, and timber from upstream areas of surplus in Anatolia and the Jazira to downstream areas of need in Iraq. This imperial system of waterborne communication, the book argues, created heavily militarized fortresses that anchored the Ottoman presence in Iraq, enabling Istanbul to hold in check foreign and domestic challenges to its authority and to exploit the organic wealth of the Tigris-Euphrates alluvium. From the end of the seventeenth century, the convergence of natural and human disasters transformed the Ottoman Empire’s relationship with its twin rivers. A trend toward provincial autonomy ensued that would localize the Ottoman management of the Tigris and Euphrates and shift its command post from Istanbul to the provinces. By placing a river system at the center of analysis, this book reveals intimate bonds between valley and mountain, water and power in the early modern world.

An Unstable Equilibrium

This chapter analyses the nationalist conflict in Sindh since 1988. It examines the multiple stints of the PPP in power, the dismissal of its governments at the Centre and in Sindh and the deepening of the ethnic schism between the Muhajirs and Sindhis under the Muttahida Quomi Movement (MQM). This chapter traces the maturation of Muhajir identity and its political aspirations as expressed through the agency of the MQM, from its rise in the mid-1980s to its fragmentation from 2016 onwards. The chapter analyzes the trends of ethnic violence that engulfed Sindh during this period, examines the 2018 elections in Sindh—which saw the entry into government of the Pakistan Tehreek-I-Insaaf (PTI)—and explores the 2018–20 tug-of war between Islamabad and Karachi over provincial autonomy.

Conclusion

The conclusion sums up the key findings about the politics and sociology of Sindhi nationalism, beginning with identity construction in Sindh during the British period, inspired by crucial changes in the domains of language, culture, economy and demography. The partition and arrival of Muhajirs in Sindh precipitated the emergence of a ‘sons of the soil’ movement, which was doubly threatened by a hegemonic, interventionist Centre and the dominant ethnic minority of Muhajirs. The conclusion examines the dual role of the PPP as an ethnic entrepreneur in Sindh and a federal party in the country as a whole. Finally, it focuses on the tug-of-war between the Centre and Sindh—under the pressure of Covid-19—over issues of provincial autonomy, especially that of the Eighteenth Amendment and of local government.

Pakistan’s Education Reform Test

The Pakistani Constitution promises “free and compulsory” education for all, but 20 million children are not in school. Many who are enrolled receive poor-quality education: surveys show Pakistani students ranking among the lowest achievers in the world. This has led families in all but the lowest income groups to seek private alternatives for their children, weakening the constituency for improved public schools. Under Prime Minister Imran Khan, the government has pushed for a Single National Curriculum. Critics contend that it will not address lack of access or the poor quality of education, but that it could lead to restrictions on school choice, provincial autonomy, and linguistic diversity, while imposing a narrow vision of national identity.

Brazilian Regionalism

A major aspect of Brazilian history is the ongoing significance of regionalism and regional identities. To explore this history, one needs to consider how a particular space becomes a region in the first place, and how certain attributes, human and natural, become associated with that space. Regionalism emerged as a major feature of the political sphere in Brazil during the immediate postcolonial decades as liberal and conservative elites struggled over the degree of provincial autonomy under the empire. This was followed by a period of republican-federalist rule that in some ways increased political autonomy for the individual states, but also allowed certain regions to consolidate their political and economic dominance, which led to an entrenched pattern of highly uneven development. Regionalism becomes the basis for competition over political and material resources, and regional identities were increasingly implicated in debates about tradition and modernity. Regional disparities also become racialized, as prosperity in the southern states became linked with European immigration and whiteness. And even as internal migration accelerated in the period following World War II, migrants continued to bear the “attributes” of the originating region, and in some cases, such as the northeasterners in São Paulo, the experience of migration intensifies the connection with the Nordeste. These disparities produce regional resentments that have fueled regionally based political divisions in national elections in the early 21st century.