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MEST Journal ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-59
Author(s):  
Evgeny Safonov ◽  
Sergey Kirsanov ◽  
Galina Palamarenko

The problem of removing and neutralizing household waste is becoming more acute every year and occupies the main place for any city. This is explained by the fact that waste negatively affects the environment and the person who is the producer of this waste and causes great harm to the economy. On the other hand, the waste itself is the richest source of secondary resources, it is also a free energy carrier since household waste is a renewable energy raw material for fuel energy. The state of the environment on the territory of Russia is determined by a high technical load, as well as a long-term and sustained negative impact, including due to the formation and accumulation of production and consumption waste. Of all the garbage produced in Russia, the largest share falls on solid household waste - more than 25%. Only 3-5% of them are sent for recycling, and the rest - in a landfill. The situation in the field of waste management in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region and the presence of many unauthorized dumps causes serious public concern. The article formulates recommendations to improve the efficiency of organization and management of municipal waste management, addressed to the heads of state and municipal authorities and management.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina - Iulia Gila ◽  

This article examines the concerns of all national education systems in Europe regarding exchanges of information, ideas and collaborations since the beginning of the configuration of the European Community in the 1960s. The idea of working together member states for a better future for the younger generation was found both in the documents of the Conferences of Heads of State on Education and in the consultations of education experts. This was pointed out by education ministers, such as Edgar Faure or Olivier Guichard, in France, who made strong arguments, demonstrating responsibility for action for future generations. Although the beginning was difficult, in the 1960s the documents referred to the education of the children of migrant workers, the importance of learning modern languages, the recognition of diplomas. In the 1980s, meetings at the level of education ministers highlighted a deepening and strengthening of cooperation to adapt language teaching models, expand the study of European history and European institutions in secondary education increasing access to education for children with special needs, setting up school spaces for language learning, but especially the creation of a European Centre for Education.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teoman Ertuğrul Tulun

The Cooperation Council of Turkic Speaking States (Turkic Council) was founded on October 3, 2009, in Nakhchivan as an international organization to promote comprehensive cooperation among the Turkic States. The founding members of the Organization of Turkic States are Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkey. The Organization of Turkic States was founded in November 2021 in the Turkic Council's 8th Summit in Istanbul. In this context, it is possible to say that the Organization of Turkic States has been the culmination of the "Heads of State Summits of Turkish Speaking Countries" since 1992. Kazakhstan is a distinguished member of the Organization of Turkic States. The stability and peace of Kazakhstan is of foremost importance not only in the context of Central Asia but also in terms of security and stability for the Turkic world. In this context, the developments that caused turmoil in Kazakhstan are closely followed by the Organization of Turkic States. We wish that the coming days will bring peace, tranquility and stability to Kazakhstan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 107 (7) ◽  
pp. 96-104
Author(s):  
Sergey Karamaev ◽  

The author traces the stages of development of British–Zimbabwean relations over the past four decades. The work analyzes not only the history, but also the current state of relations between Great Britain and Zimbabwe and assesses the prospects for their development. The author set the task of showing how political cooperation between the former metropolis and its colony developed, the importance of the change of governments and the personality of the heads of state. A special attention is paid to the first president of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, who ruled the country for 37 years. An attempt has been made to identify the causes of the crisis in bilateral relations and to assess the attempts to overcome and to move in a progressive development. In addition, the author considers the problem of how the context of the colonial past, economic development, the land issue and the internal policy of Zimbabwe influenced the official London’s position in relation to Harare. Zimbabwe is one of the key states in southeast Africa, traditionally viewed by the UK as a sphere of its interests. Using itsexample, certain conclusions can be drawn about London's foreign policy approach to African countries, as well as the contradictions which become obstacles to the relations’ normalization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (II) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Athar Rashid

Formal visits to friendly regions have grown in popularity worldwide in recent years. Heads of state addresses are analysed from a unique perspective. Positive discourse analysis of speeches by international leaders has garnered attention, particularly in Pakistan, following Turkey's president's four visits to the country over the last decade. For the fourth time, he was given the opportunity to address the joint session of parliament. Since their independence, Turkey and Pakistan have had a friendly relationship, and even before that, the people of the region fought to defend the Ottoman Empire during World War II. The people of the subcontinent were active participants in the process, pleading with the British government to maintain the Khilafat system. Very little research has been conducted on presidential speeches, particularly those delivered by Turkish leaders. As a result, the focus of this research paper is on President Erdogan's speeches to the Pakistani Parliament, delivered on November 17, 2016, and February 14, 2020. This study employs a corpus-assisted positive discourse analysis approach in which the concordance patterns obtained from the corpora have been explained in the light of positive discourse analysis. The findings of the study indicate that President Erdogan's speeches are brimming with optimistic language. He tries to establish a brotherly bond with his listeners through mutual equality, respect, love, and strategic collaboration. He seems to be convinced that it is necessary to emphasize the Islamic bond that exists between the two brotherly states. The current paper is noteworthy because it applies positive discourse analysis to Turkish leaders' speeches, broadening its application scope and enriching the research content of positive discourse analysis through a corpus-informed approach.


Author(s):  
Katharina Schembs

Starting in 1922, Benito Mussolini (1922-1943) reformed Italian labour relations by adopting corporatism. As such, he served as a model for many other heads of state in search of ways out of economic crisis. When the corporatist model spread throughout Latin America in the 1930s and 1940s, the Argentine president Juan Domingo Perón (1946-1955) drew significantly on the Italian precedent. Adhering to an aestheticised concept of politics and making use of modern mass media, both regimes advertised corporatism in their respective visual propaganda, in which the worker came to play a prominent role. The article analyses parallels and differences in the formation of political identities in fascist and Peronist visual media that under both corporatist regimes centred around work. Comparing different role models as they were designed for different members of society, I argue that – apart from gender roles where Peronism resorted to similarly traditional images – Peronist propaganda messages were more future-oriented and inclusive. Racist exclusions of parts of the population from the central worker identity that increasingly characterised fascist propaganda over the course of the 1930s were not adopted in Argentina after 1945. Instead, in state visual media the category of work in its inclusionary dimension served as a promise of belonging to the Peronist community.


2021 ◽  
pp. 51-77
Author(s):  
Luuk van Middelaar ◽  
Uwe Puetter

This chapter discusses the central role of the European Council in European Union (EU) politics and policymaking. Even though it was not listed among the EU’s core institutions until the Treaty of Lisbon, the European Council regularly intervenes in EU decision-making to make other institutional actors follow its guidance. Initially, it was meant to be predominantly an informal institution for direct exchanges between the heads of state or government of the member states. Yet it assumed responsibility for landmark decisions which paved the way for key steps in integration, such as EU enlargements and the euro. The European Council has arguably saved the Union from break-up by acting as its ultimate crisis manager and, at times, has skirted the boundaries of EU law by finding institutional compromises and fixes. The institution plays a guiding role, especially in relation to the Commission and the Council of the European Union, which was formerly known as the Council of Ministers. The European Council devises strategic guidelines for policy development, shapes processes of institutional reform, and breaks impasses when agreement cannot otherwise be found. Since the Treaty of Maastricht, European Council intervention has become a routine in new EU policy areas, such as euro area economic governance and foreign policy. The Treaty of Lisbon assigns the European Council its own full-time president and places the institution right after the European Parliament (EP) in the list of EU institutions. Even though it has shaped European integration since 1975, the European Council did not find much recognition in traditional theories of European integration. This has changed more recently, with renewed debate about intergovernmentalism in EU politics.


Author(s):  
Sergey Kostelyanets ◽  
◽  
Obidozie Afamefuna Andrew Okeke

All heads of state of independent Nigeria have left their mark on the formation of national foreign policy, including the policy for Africa, and brought their vision to the development of this sphere, although the greatest contribution to the formation of relations of the Giant of Africa with other states of the continent was made during the years of the Fourth Republic (1999 – present), when, after a long period of military rule, civilian politicians came to power in the country. Throughout the entire period of independent development, the main principles of Nigeria’s formation of contacts with other countries were respect for equality and territorial integrity of sovereign states; non-interference in their internal affairs; active membership in international organizations; non-alignment with military-political blocs, etc. However, the main priority of Nigeria’s foreign policy in the post-colonial period was the development of relations with African countries – a phenomenon that has come to be known as Afrocentrism. In accordance with the principles declared in all Constitutions of the country (1960, 1979, 1993, and 1999), Nigeria made a great contribution to the struggle for the true political and economic independence of African countries, for the liberation of the continent from the remnants of colonialism and apartheid. Since the 1970s, when the country became one of the world’s largest oil producers and exporters and began to provide financial and logistical assistance to African countries in need, a new objective has appeared in its foreign policy – gaining the status of “the leader of the continent”. This desire has been fueled by the fact that Nigeria is the most populous state on the continent and has one of the largest and fastest growing economies in Africa. Not all Nigerian leaders were able to correctly identify political priorities and to a certain extent demonstrated naiveté, limiting their foreign policy primarily to the African direction. While in the first years of independence this was legitimate and justified, with the advent of globalization, the development of a multipolar world, and the transformation of the world political and economic order, it became necessary to ensure that Nigeria’s foreign policy was adapted to modern realities. Meanwhile, thanks to its economic potential, huge reserves of hydrocarbons, which all countries in the region need, and military-political power, Nigeria quite rightly claims a central role in coordinating joint efforts to achieve true economic and political independence by West African states, although one of the obstacles to the transformation Nigeria into a real “hegemon” both in West Africa and throughout the continent remains political instability in the country.


2021 ◽  
pp. 75-86
Author(s):  
Leena El-Ali

AbstractThere is no justification whatsoever on a Qur’anic basis for preventing women from filling any leadership role, whether as religious leaders or imams or judges or heads of state. A large number of verses addressing men and women make it clear that both bear equal responsibility for building their societies. Moreover many Qur’anic verses addressing women’s issues came as a response to one or more woman’s activism at the time. Objectors to women’s leadership usually push back against women’s advancement primarily by citing supposed hadith denouncing women as such, and on some topics they appear to be virtually grasping at straws. A particularly strange yet common objection claims that the Prophet had said that no nation that entrusts its affairs to a woman can succeed, yet the historical evidence from his time and medieval jurist support for women as leaders tell a different story.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-176
Author(s):  
Kinga Kolumbán

Abstract One of the most controversial issues during the 2015 migrant crisis and the subsequent process of reformulating immigration policies by the European Union was that of the mandatory resettlement quota. Hungary and Romania formulated very different positions related to migration, but both were critical regarding the mandatory quota. This study analyses parts of declarations and speeches of two heads of state, Viktor Orbán for Hungary and Klaus Iohannis for Romania, concerning the quota issue, by employing the framework of evaluative language, which focuses on the dialogic, interpersonal aspects of utterances. Beyond the fact of rejecting the quota, Martin and White’s (2005) taxonomy brings to the forefront the linguistic means through which the two speakers evaluate the subject (a problem of logistics that needs a pragmatic approach or a matter of cultural and national identity) and establish (dis)alignment as representatives of their countries (“official voices” of Hungary and Romania) with regard to the EU position.


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