Dimensions of Rural Poverty as Social Problems

This chapter uses a sociological approach to tackle poverty as a social problem. As a social problem, sociologists believe poverty is linked to the distribution of wealth and power structures and how political, economic, institutional arrangements, and historical conditions shape our lives and the possibilities to survive in a competitive world. They use analytic framework that shifts from the current popular focus of blaming the victim to addressing the inequalities of the distribution of power, wealth, and opportunity. Second, the chapter broadens the poverty reduction narrative to recognize that studying poverty is not the same thing as studying the poor. This framework turns empirical attention to political, economic, institutional, and historical conditions, as well as the policy decisions that shape the distribution of power and wealth, and interventions that seek to change the conditions of structural inequality and social stratification rather than narrowly focusing on changing the poor.

Whose Policy Matters? Elite Disagreement on Illegal Fishing Problems

Neo-realism predicted the state will choose a certain balancing strategy accordingly to the given strategic environment and the relative power of respective states. Since Southeast Asia recognized as informal and norm-based regionalism, state balancing strategy will maximize the regional organization as a means to restraining member state's behavior and managing basic interaction within states. However, neo-realism unable to explain why states would not adopting the expected balancing strategy despite already obtained necessary international pressure and relative power. This condition occurred in Indonesia’s foreign policy toward ASEAN, especially on combating illegal fishing disputes. Ever since the foundation of the regional group, Indonesia has applied the ASEAN-led mechanism as a means to the dispute. However, the regional distribution of power and Jakarta’s relative power do not change but Indonesia’s balancing strategy does. To explain such conditions, this research will employ neo-classical realism to examine why Indonesia not adopting an institutional balancing strategy. Neoclassical-realist argued that it is the intervening variable that determined the state’s balancing strategy. This research will analyze Indonesia’s intervening variable using Randall Scwheller’s elite consensus framework and found out the shift of Indonesia's balancing strategy occurred due to elite dissensus on how perceiving ASEAN as a regional group

Gender, sexism, and war

We analyze a model of leader gender and crisis bargaining under asymmetric information. There are no essential differences between the sexes in their willingness to use force, but sexist leaders receive a subjective boost for defeating female leaders in war and pay a subjective cost for defeat. We show that this hostile sexism can lead to war for two reasons, first by offering sufficient private benefits to make peace impossible and second by influencing an uninformed leader’s willingness to risk war. We also show that (a) the effect of leader sex on disputes and war depends on the distribution of power, (b) sexist leaders may initiate disputes at less favorable distributions of power than non-sexist leaders, and (c) sexist leaders adopt bargaining strategies that make it difficult for women to cultivate and benefit from reputations for resolve, even in the absence of sex differences in the willingness to use force.

Debating Democracy

Around the world, faith in democracy is falling. Partisanship and mutual distrust are increasing. What, if anything, should we do about these problems? In this accessible work, leading philosophers Jason Brennan and Hélène Landemore debate whether the solution lies in having less democracy or more. Brennan argues that democracy has systematic flaws, and that democracy does not and cannot work the way most of us commonly assume. He argues the best solution is to limit democracy’s scope and to experiment with certain voting systems that can overcome democracy’s problems. Landemore argues that democracy’s virtues, which stem, at an ideal level, from its inclusiveness and egalitarian distribution of power, are not properly manifested in the historical regime form that we call “representative democracy.” Whereas representative democracy centers on an oligarchic form of representation by elected officials, Landemore defends a more authentic paradigm of popular rule—open democracy—in which legislative power is open to all on an equal basis, including via lottery-based mechanisms.

The Term Concept of Right and Unright in Practical and Theoretical Jurisprudence

The article examines some modern trends in the development of domestic legislation, as well as general theoretical legal thinking. One of them is a noticeable spread in the legislative acts of Ukraine of those terms that have an outlet to the problem of legal understanding, for example, they talk about such words as: «right», «justice», «unjust sentence», «unright agreement», «unright use», «unright actions», «unright gain». Such terminology can be directly used in legal regulatory practice, and taking into account the pluralism of legal thinking, known from ancient times to this day, inevitably there is a need for an official explanation, interpretation of one or another of the given terminological concepts. In all the above cases, the following question will inevitably arise: the terms above are synonyms for the adjectives lawful, illegal, and are similar to them? Or, on the contrary, in the examples given above, they are talking about some other – meaningful and different – from legal / illegal – phenomenon? If we are inclined to the first answer, the question arises: for what purpose different terms were used to name the same phenomenon? If we support the second of the possible answers, then it directly leads to the problem of legal thinking. One of the aspects of the general problem of legal thinking is the substantive allocation of the so-called phenomenon of the antipode of the phenomenon of right, – the phenomenon of unright. The urgency of solving this practically significant task is illustrated, in particular, by the fact that, for example, in the current Criminal Code of Ukraine, adjectives unright gain are used almost sixty times! What complex of problems in legal regulation, this situation generates, can be seen by analyzing, for example, the reaction of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine regarding the inconsistency of the Constitution of Ukraine with the provisions of Art. 375 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Arguing this decision, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine referred to the fact that, in particular: a) formulation of this article allows possibility of abuse by the bodies of pre-trial investigation, in connection with legal clarity, unambiguity in content of the norm is lost when they are applied; b) the situation under discussion creates the possibility of an official assessment of the court decision by non-judicial bodies, which contradicts the principle of the distribution of power. It seems remarkable that in response to the aforementioned decision of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, almost half of those judges who took part in the consideration of this case expressed separate opinions in which they thoroughly criticized the arguments of the Court. Without resorting to a specific analysis of each of these thoughts, we state the pluralistic interpretation of the first part of the complex word «unjust» by different judges of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine. We explain it by the socially-natural heterogeneity, the interpretation of any evaluative legal concepts by various subjects of society in the process of legal regulation.

Rywalizacja chińsko-amerykańska w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku: Analiza porównawcza polityki Baracka Obamy i Donalda Trumpa

Sino-American Rivalry in the Second Decade of the 21st Century: A Comparative Analysis of Barack Obama and Donald Trump Policies The Sino-American trade war has become a symbol of rivalry for leadership in the international system. It also attracts growing attention to the problem of possible change to the regional and global hegemony. The debate with its possible ramifications is clear to academics, the media and political elites. However, it has focused on a limited scope of factors and mostly at the leadership level of, most notably, the United States of America. Considering its complexity, the issue of US policy towards China should be analyzed at various levels. These include the presidents, their collaborators, domestic politics and US strategy, and, finally, the international system as it experiences the relative change of power distribution. The main goal of this article is to analyze the recent US administrations’ strategy towards the People’s Republic of China. This is in the context of changes to the international system, focusing on the relative change of power distribution. The hypothesis driving this article states that the US strategy towards China is a response to the changing relative distribution of power in the regional and global system. It follows that American administrations differ rather in methods than in goals of foreign policy. This text is prepared with reference to the Power Transition Theory of A. Organski and J. Kugler, and the research is based on the US strategic documents’ analysis and statistical analysis of the power distribution in the system.

Regional security cooperation against hegemonic threats: Theory and evidence from France and West Germany (1945–65)

Why do some regional powers collectively threatened by a potential hegemon eagerly cooperate to ensure their security, while others appear reluctant to do so? I argue that robust security cooperation at the regional level is less likely when an unbalanced distribution of power exists between the prospective security partners. In such situations, regional security cooperation tends to be stunted by foot-dragging and obstructionism on the part of materially inferior states wary of facilitating the strategic expansion of neighbours with larger endowments of power resources, anticipating that much of the coalition's gains in military capabilities are likely to be achieved through an expansion of the materially superior neighbour's force levels and strategic flexibility. Evidence drawn from primary material and the latest historiography of France's postwar foreign policy towards West Germany provides considerable support for this argument. My findings offer important correctives to standard accounts of the origins of Western European security cooperation and suggest the need to rethink the difficulties the United States has encountered in promoting cooperation among local allies in key global regions.

Democracy, Development and Industrial Policy in Nigeria

The article places Nigeria’s political and economic challenges in historical and global context. As opposed to viewing democracy or development emerging simply as the ‘will of the people’ or ‘political will’, it encourages a historical and structural view of the phenomena. Sustained democratic institutions and intensive economic growth emerge under particular conditions where the continued maintenance of hegemony and gate-keeping extractive states are no longer viable. A diversified capitalist class and economic power among a strong middle class are needed to demand greater democratic accountability. Industrial policy is essential to creating the structural change required for their emergence. Yet the dispersed and ethno-religiously fragmented distribution of power makes industrial policy implementation difficult. Given the salience of such historical and structural forces, postcolonial Nigerians should be seen as formative generations. Students and practitioners of development economics, policy and politics should be more creative in producing politically informed policies for the country.

How Nonprofits Make Sense of Corporate Volunteering: Explaining Different Forms of Nonprofit-Business Collaboration

Corporate volunteering (CV) is an increasingly common type of nonprofit-business collaboration and can take various forms, and its benefits for the business partner are well studied. The benefits for the nonprofit partner, however, are less evident and often questioned. This study investigates why nonprofits engage in and how they make sense of CV collaborations, building on the concepts of sensemaking and cognitive frames. Drawing on interviews with staff in nonprofit organizations, we reveal that decisions about CV collaborations usually go beyond the resources acquired through CV itself. We identify three different CV frames and show how they lead to different types of partnerships, hereby challenging the assumption that more integrative partnerships are superior to philanthropic ones. Our results show that depending on the frame used, different perceptions of the distribution of power between the nonprofit and the business partner exist, addressing the crucial role of how nonprofit organizations position themselves in such partnerships.