An Analysis of Joči’s Debated Paternity and His Role in the Altan Uruġ Royal Lineage of Činggis Khan

Research objectives: This article discusses Joči’s military-political role and status in the Mongol Empire (Yeke Mongol Ulus), beginning in the early thirteenth century and within the intra-dynastic relations of Činggis Khan’s chief sons. In particular, the article seeks to answer questions about Joči’s birth. Discrepancies between the Secret History of the Mongols and other written sources cast doubt on whether Joči was even a legitimate son of Činggis Khan, let alone his eldest one. In addition, this article includes an analysis of Joči’s place within the family and the traditional legal system of the medieval Mongols based on the principles of majorat succession outlined in the Mongol Empire. It establishes evidence of his legitimacy within the Činggisid dynasty’s imperial lineage (altan uruġ) – a point of view supported by his military-political career, his pivotal role in the western campaigns, his leadership at the siege of Khwārazm, and the process of division of the ulus of Činggis Khan. Research materials: This article makes use of Russian, English, and Turkic (Kazakh, Tatar, etc.) translations of key primary sources including the Secret History of the Mongols and works of authors from the thirteenth to seventeenth centuries, including Al-Nasawī, Shіhāb al-Dīn al-Nuwayrī, ‘Alā’ al-Dīn ’Aṭā-Malik Juvāynī, Minhāj al-Dīn Jūzjānī, Zhao Hong, Peng Daya, John of Plano Carpini, William of Rubruck, Jamāl al-Qarshī, Rashīd al-Dīn, Ibn Faḍl Allāh al-ʿUmarī, Uluġbeg, Ötämiš Hājī, Lubsan Danzan, Abu’l-Ghāzī, and Saγang Sečen. New secondary works regarding Joči published by modern Kazakh, Russian, Tatar, American, French, Chinese, Korean and other scholars were also consulted. Results and novelty of the research: Taking into consideration certain economic and legal traits of the medieval Mongols, their traditional practices, military-political events, and longterm developments in the Mongol Empire’s history, descriptions of Joči being no more than a “Merkit bastard” are clearly not consistent. The persisting claims can be traced to doubts about Joči’s birth included in the Secret History of the Mongols, the first extensive written record of the medieval Mongols which had a great impact on the work of later historians, including modern scholars. Some researchers suspect this allegation may have been an indirect result of Möngke Khan inserting it into the Secret History. This article argues that the main motivation was Batu’s high military-political position and prestige in the Yeke Mongol Ulus. After Ögödei Khan’s death, sons and grandsons of Ögödei and Ča’adai made various attempts to erode Batu’s significant position in the altan uruġ by raising questions regarding his genealogical origin. This explains why doubts about Joči’s status in the imperial lineage appeared so widely following his death in an intra-dynastic propaganda struggle waged between the houses of Joči and Тolui and the opposing houses of Ča’adai and Ögödei’s sons. This conflict over the narrative was engendered by the struggle for supreme power in the Mongol Empire and the distribution of conquered lands and property.

Colombian Transitional Justice: The media discourse of the Peace Agreement and perceptions regarding its institutions

Colombia had the longest internal armed conflict in Latin America, and its government reached a peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas in 2016. This article explores the transitional justice social representations during the signing of the peace agreement (study 1) and their implementation, during 2019-2020 (study 2). The first study analyzes the news related to the institutions created from the peace agreement during 2016. The second study explores different psychosocial variables associated with its two most controversial institutions, the Truth Commission (TC) and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) during 2019-2020, after the beginning of its work. The findings revealed that news articles from two principal Colombian newspapers illustrate two anchoring categories of transitional justice with an emphasis on victims, while the political position of the newspaper suggests possible disagreements on what peace entails. Surveys showed that political position and victimization are crucial for the approval and support of the TC and the JEP, as well as correlated with the level of media consumption regarding these institutions. Received: 17 September 2021Accepted: 15 November 2021

“Writing's intimate spatialities: Drawing ourselves to our writing in self-caring practices of love”

This Commentary outlines four conceptual-spatial challenges of academic writing, and suggests an approach to navigating them. Academic writing, as feminist economic geographers argue, is underpinned by difference: emerging from and produced through different positionalities, differing access to stable employment and material, temporal and spatial resources, all set within structures of power and inequity—significant among them the neoliberal university. At the same time, for academics writing demands space in our lives: temporally, locationally, conceptually, and emotionally. Because these spatialities are potentially different for each writer each time we write and because they engage us spatially at a personal level, I term them writing's intimate spatialities, and suggest that care-fully navigating these conceptual-spatial challenges of academic writing stakes out a political position, one that may now be more important than ever: In an academic environment of neoliberalism and increasing precarity, I suggest that writing's prevalent emotional apprehensions may be able to be affirmatively conceptualized as a labor of self-care we come to with love.

The sensory imperative

With this essay, we identify and resist a sensory imperative in management and organizational research and beyond. We define the sensory imperative as an uncritical embrace of the idea that the senses offer a unique and attractive methodological and political position for studying managerial and organizational life and for challenging dominant forms of knowledge production. By falling in with this imperative, the turn to the senses in management and organization studies risks losing sight of its own mediations. We propose three ways of regaining sight of these mediations, which, we argue, come together as an analytical sensorisation – a study of, rather than with, the senses.

Embedding Preparedness, Assigning Responsibility: The Role of Film in Sociotechnical Imaginaries of Civil Defence

This chapter examines the role of film and television in embedding sociotechnical imaginaries of civil defence during the early nuclear age (c. 1949–1965) by zooming in on Sweden and Denmark, two neighbouring countries that differed both in terms of their political position in the Cold War and in the scale of their civil defence efforts. Following a theoretical discussion of the psychosocial effects of films and their manner of circulation, we analyse Swedish and Danish films in two periods demarcated by the thermonuclear disruption of civil defence during the mid-1950s. The analysis highlights how films were used to frame technologies and script and perform social norms. We argue that films constitute an important source for understanding the difficulties of embedding sociotechnical imaginaries of civil defence.

Alain Ehrenberg: Autonomy and empowerment

This article considers Alain Ehrenberg's extensive analysis of individualism in contemporary France. It shows how he has traced the emergence of autonomy as a key social value, and it goes on to analyse the distinctive features of Ehrenberg's sociological approach. Unlike many of his contemporaries, Ehrenberg does not regard the growth of individualism in France as a tragic process of anomie and isolation. In fact, he is critical of what he sees as a pervasive French discourse of ‘declinology’, and he has expressed his growing frustration with this perspective more recently in explicitly political terms. Although he acknowledges that autonomy can be burdensome for individuals, he feels that the state should respond to the sociological fact of autonomy by supporting and empowering citizens as autonomous agents. The article concludes by drawing attention to the limitations of this political position.

New York Ogniwo in the Years 1879-1881

The article discusses the history of the Polish Ogniwo weekly published in New York in the years 1879-1881. The magazine was established during a major organisational transformation of the Polish diaspora in the United States. One of the most important initiatives of the then immigrant community in New York and beyond (including New Jersey) was to integrate the public of Polish origin in order to work toward the improvement of the financial and political position of Polish immigrants. This work was carried out by the Ogniwo weekly. Its editors tried to mobilise scattered economic immigrants to work towards building an ideologically aligned Polish-American community.

“A panorama of a truly new era opens” (Soviet “experiment’’ in the interpretation of N. V. Ustryalov)

The article examines the public and political position of an outstanding personality of the Russian emigration of the “first” wave of Nikolai Vasilyevich Ustryalov. On the basis of various sources, his attitude to key issues of state construction, formed under the influence of a radical socio-political transformation in Russia, is analyzed. The most important among them are the restoration of Russian statehood in new historical circumstances, the essence and evolution of Bolshevism, the cultural and worldview orientation of the intelligentsia, the place and role of the USSR in conditions of aggravation of international relations and the threat of fascism.

Der Religionsdisput in Feofan Prokopovyčs Vladimir

Summary Usually Feofan Prokopovyč’s tragedokomedija Vladimir is considered an early example of the author’s ecclesiastical reform concerns, which he realized in the Russian Empire from 1716 onwards. However, a detailed analysis of the religious dispute, which is at the center of the play, and its literary sources gives rise to a more biographical reading, according to which the young author recommended himself to the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy for his work as a professor in rhetoric. He, the former supporter of the Union, emphasizes the Greek roots of Eastern Christianity and presents himself as a loyal representative of Moscow-orientated Orthodoxy. There is no evidence that he disagreed with Hetman Mazepa on the political position of Ukraine at the time.

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SULTAN ABDUL HAMID II AND MIDHAT PASHA (NOVEMBER 1876-FEBRUARY 1877)‎‎

At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Ottoman Empire witnessed ‎attempts to reform the political, economic, military, and social systems ‎according to the European style. Reforms emerged clearly in the ‎nineteenth century, resulting in a conflict between opponents and ‎supporters of reform. Among the manifestations of that dispute was ‎between Sultan Abdul Hamid II, who opposes reform, and Midhat Pasha, ‎who supports reforms. The research was divided into an introduction, a ‎conclusion, and three axes. The first axis dealt with the starting of the ‎development of views between Sultan Abdul Hamid II and Midhat Pasha. ‎As for the second one, it was the role of Midhat Pasha during the reign of ‎Sultan Abdul Hamid II. While the third axis discussed the political ‎position of Midhat Pasha after he was appointed as the (Grand Vizier). ‎The research came out with a set of important conclusions‎‎‎‎. Keywords: The Ottoman Empire, the politician, Medhat Pasha, Sultan Abdul Hamid.