“Security trap” as a challenge for Syria’s post-conflict reconstruction

The present article is dedicated to comprehensive analysis of business-risks in Syria in the security sphere (the author named it as “security trap”). Among them are the seats of combat activities between the government forces and the opposition, contradictions between the central government and local elite, rise in criminality among former combatants, traumatized by war, “urban” terrorism, stepped up activity on the part of ISIS militants in desert areas and not in the last measure the conflicts of interests among external actors. This topic seems to be quite new for scientific research in Russia and abroad since most analytical work has been previously focused on impacts of security in military political and social spheres rather than in the economic one. Such approach would allow us to make a conclusion that business risks alongside other difficulties such as territorial fragmentation, economy lying in ruins, sanctions, crisis in neighboring Lebanon, COVID-19 pandemic are hampering the revival of businesslike life. This is important and useful for constructing hierarchy of external and internal challenges for Syria’s post-conflict reconstruction, including the stabilizing role of Russia. The author has used empirical materials gathered during the term of his diplomatic service at the Russian Embassy in Damascus (in 2014–2017) along with his subsequent regular visits to Syria.

Doxa and local elite habitus in the symbolic-based power struggle arena in Tidore

This article describes a socio-political phenomenon that occurred in Tidore community during the momentum of Local Leaders Election (pilkada). Political phenomena do not only involve rational instruments, but also cultural and supernatural/mystical/occult dimensions being part of a mechanism for power struggle. Values, norms, and traditional leaders (nature and shari'a) are involved in a political contestation. The phenomenon of jinn and mystical/occult power is part of the capital to produce power in Tidore or in another sense; symbolic capital becomes a political mobilization strategy in Tidore. The aims of this research are (1) to analyze power and describe the process of doxa formation and elite habitus/political actors in the symbolic- based power struggle arena in Tidore. (2) to analyze and describe the strategies of the local elite in using symbolic capital in the arena of power struggle in Tidore (Local Leaders Election). This research uses qualitative method with ethnographic research. The research subjects are the indigenous people of Gurabunga, the political elite/political actors, Sowohi, the Sultan and people who are involved and understand the Local Leaders Election (pilkada). Data collection was done by interview, observation and documentation study. The researchers conduct an in-depth study so that the data can be maximal and adequate, and triangulation is carried out. Then this data was analyzed using an ethnographic approach. The theory used as an analytical tool in this research is Perre Bourdieu's Theory of Doxa, Habitus and Arena. The results of the study prove that the process of forming doxa and political habitus has a strong influence on the political practice of the Tidore people. Values, norms, customs and local beliefs of the community have an effect on the dynamics and political reality in Tidore. And symbolic capital as the most important part in producing power in Tidore Keywords: Doxa, Habitus, Symbolic-based Power Struggle

COMPETITION, MEANING, AND MONUMENTALIZATION IN GALLIA COMATA

Perhaps the most striking, and archaeologically speaking the most evident, change that occurred in Gallia Comata from the 1st century BCE to the end of the 2nd century CE was the incorporation of massive, monumental, Roman-style architecture. Many of these monuments still stand to this day, providing an obvious, visual argument for the impact that Roman culture had on Gallic society. Overall, the incorporation of Roman architecture and monuments, paid for and dedicated by members of the local elite, seems to indicate a clear cultural shift in Gallic society and the adoption of Roman conceptions of urbanism and the role of the urban aristocracy in providing munera for the populace. This paper will examine the remains of monumental structures in the Gallic civitas-capitals, examining the initial stages of monumentalization. While early structures advertised the connection between the community as a whole with the Imperial power structure, the construction of amphitheaters in particular emerged rapidly throughout the Three Gauls and, as this paper will argue, was tied to the glorification and memorialization of the dedicator and his family. The edification of urban space thus became a new ground for the Gallic aristocracy to play out its internal rivalries, rather than a public expression of acceptance or obedience under Rome, and through the use of amphitheaters, urban edification allowed the Gallic aristocracy to retain their ties to the concept of competitive status and martial prowess.

Princezny z Hájku. K problematice elity ve střední době bronzové

The topic of this study is the possibilities of archaeological identification of the local elite in the Bronze Age. We‘re targeting the female elite, who are characterized by a particular form of costume. In a case study of the barrow cemetery of Šťáhlavy – Hájek, we are trying to show that the elite status of women in the Bronze Age was not based on their personal qualities, but rather on their affinity with an elite family. Their social status may therefore have been hereditary. On the other hand, it turns out that certain particularities of the costume (different types of necklaces, etc.) may point to different origins of women and thus the exchange of female partners within the wider elite community.

Pragmastilistic Analysis of Migration Discourse (Based on Speeches by British Politicians)

Introduction. The present study examines the pragmastilistic potential of migration discourse based on the speeches of modern British politicians. The relevance of the chosen topic lies in the acute social specifics of migration discourse and its manipulative component. In today’s world, migration processes have become global and their impact on the development of the host culture is becoming increasingly evident. There is still no established strategy for the integration of migrants into the new society, which creates a conflict environment and determines the hostility of the indigenous population towards migrants. Migration discourse as one of the directions of policy discourse becomes an effective tool for managing public opinion. Various persuasive tactics are incorporated in the speech of politicians using linguistic means, the use of which in the British migration discourse is considered in this article.Methodology and sources. The key tasks of the study are to identify specific discursive tactics, by means of which the persuasive strategy is implemented in the British migration discourse, and to analyze the stylistic techniques used to design the discovered tactics. During the study, pragmastilistic analysis was used, the application of which involves referring to the following methods of linguistic research: the method of continuous sampling, quantitative, descriptive and comparative methods, the method of stylistic analysis, discursive analysis. The material of the study was the speeches of modern British politicians from 2004 to 2021. Results and discussion. The analysis of migration discourse based on the texts of speeches by modern British politicians allows to talk about the stylistic saturation of the material and the main means of expressiveness used in the framework of the discourse under consideration. The main tactic of opponents of free migration is the comparison of “good/bad” migrants, which is actualized using antithesis. As for the lexical stylistic means, the use of the epithet should be specified, which is also a way of actualizing opposition tactics. Thus, this tactic is implemented both at the lexical and syntactic level. Similar tactics are also relevant in the framework of pro-migration rhetoric, namely, when comparing the local elite and the visiting population, which performs all the work necessary for the functioning of society. In most cases the main stylistic technique for tactics actualization is antithesis (or the convergence of antithesis and epithet). Proponents of pro-migration policies also use metaphor (tactics for describing the political process) and syntactic parallelism (tactics for describing the benefits of migration). Finally, the most common tactic inherent in both poles of migration discourse is the tactic of generalization. It consists in equating the speaker with his audience, their “fusion”, and is most often actualized using hyperbola.Conclusion. Migration discourse is characterized by an ideological orientation, which is actualized using certain speech techniques, tactics and strategies. Migration discourse, as a multifaceted entity, can also serve to harmonize social life by facilitating the integration of migrants into the host culture. Migration discourse is a powerful ideological weapon that can be used both to contribute to integration and to incite ethnic hatred. Stylistic tools play a key role in the implementation of a persuasive strategy, which is actively used both in migration and in political discourse in general. The main tactics of the migration discourse of modern British politicians are opposition and generalization, used both in pro- and anti-migration rhetoric.

THE FOUNDERS OF WESTERN PONTIC CITIES

The Greek cities of the western coast of the Black Sea knew both foundation myths and the phenomenon of the second foundation, associated with the rebuilding of civic life after the invasion of Burebista, the king of the Getae and Dacian tribes from 82 bce to 44 bce. In most foundation stories the ktistes is either a god (in the case of the city of Dionysopolis) or a hero (in the cases of the cities of Kallatis, Tomis and Anchialos), and the stories date mostly to the Antonine age. The story of Tomos of Tomis stands out owing to its wide acceptance among the local elite, while that of Melsas of Mesambria may have never gained official acceptance: it was created in the late Hellenistic age, probably reviving a Thracian tale of Melsas, perhaps a hero, known from early-third century bce coins. The Melsas story is a prime example of cultural transfers from the native population to Greek-majority Mesambria in the Hellenistic and early Roman ages.

Gymnasium and Polis

The article sketches the development of the gymnasium from its origins in the archaic period to the later Hellenistic period when, in addition to its military function, the gymnasium was a multi-use complex numbering among a city’s largest buildings. Epigraphical and archaeological evidence provide insights into the gymnasium’s infrastructure, user groups, and contests which were peculiar to it. Its administrator, the gymnasiarch, was a prominent official, whose position provided opportunities for displays of competitive generosity. The gymnasium also received benefactions from the local elite, kings, and dynasts, who thereby burnished their reputations as supporters of Hellenic culture. Gymnasia were also equipped with instructors in athletic and military subjects, with lectures or courses in the liberal arts mostly provided by travelling teachers. The homogeneity of its programme throughout the Greek world made the gymnasium an effective vehicle for transmitting Hellenic culture to non-Greeks, although Jewish society was ambivalent about its benefits.

The influence of Xenophon’s didactic writings on the military leadership practice of Alexander the Great

The article examines the influence of Xenophon’s didactic works on the military activities of Alexander the Great. It is re-vealed that messages from ancient sources containing direct in-dications of the fact that Alexander was familiar with Xeno-phon’s works are either fundamentally unreliable or subject to different interpretations. Nevertheless, a comparison of the rec-ommendations proposed in “Kyropedia” and other Athenian au-thor’s writings the with Alexander’s practical activities reveals obvious similarities in their views on training military personnel, organizing competitions in military skill, providing soldiers with richly decorated weapons, and caring for the sick and wounded. A set of coincidences is associated with the political and admin-istrative activities of Alexander, who, like Cyrus the Elder in Xenophon’s writings, demonstratively showed mercy towards the vanquished, attracted representatives of the local elite to the ser-vice, wore clothes traditional for a conquered country. A large number of similarities, good education of Alexander and the popularity of Xenophon’s writings in the second half of the 4th century BCE allow us to conclude that the Macedonian king was familiar with the works of the Athenian author. However, the components of Xenophon's didactic legacy associated with the methods of warfare do not correlate well with Alexander's mili-tary leadership practice. The fundamental differences are re-vealed in the armament of the cavalry and their tactics, the depth of the infantry formation, the role of army branches on the battle-field. They were caused by a significant breakthrough in the art of war that took place in Macedonia during the time of Philip II. This breakthrough also led to the emergence of new tactics that provided for crushing the enemy not with a frontal attack of heavy infantry, but through the combined use of various types of troops. Alexander as a military leader was raised under the con-ditions of a new, more developed military art. Thus, the over-whelming majority of Xenophon's recommendations, which de-scribed the cavalry as a purely auxiliary branch of the army and considered the classical hoplite phalanx a decisive force in battle, were clearly irrelevant for him and therefore ignored.

The Origin of Kinship Politics in 2020 Regional Elections in Sleman Regency

On December 9, 2020, The Sleman Regional Head Election was won by the Kustini-Danang pair. The victory of Kustini (wife of Sri Purnomo, the incumbent Regent) is referred to as part of kinship politics. Kinship politics is understood as an attempt to perpetuate power, in this case, Sri Purnomo's power. Sri Purnomo itself is the Regent of Sleman who is famous for his political superiority, which is shown by winning two consecutive terms. This study aims to capture the local political phenomenon in Sleman by identifying the political contestation in the 2020 Regional Head Election from a socio-historical and some political momentum that occurred during the Sri Purnomo regime. To further explore the phenomenon of kinship politics in Sleman Regency, this study used a qualitative approach and used two main data search methods: primary data and secondary data. The results showed that Sri Purnomo has high superiority in his leadership. Sri Purnomo transformed into a local strongman with the support of some local elite networks he had built. As the local strongmen, he formed political alliances that had high loyalty based on patron-client relationships. In the end, by presenting his wife, Kustini Sri Purnomo as his successor, it shows that the politics of kinship are nothing more than an extension of the hand to continue Sri Purnomo's power.