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2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 174-182
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Kamkin ◽  

The article deals with analysis of right-wing radical state of mind among the German armed forces soldiers. The author describes the most significant incidents in German army, which relate to right-wing radicalism, within the last several years, goes into details regarding senior lieutenant Franco A. case as well as uncovering right-wing cell in KSK special force unit. Among the analysis of particular cases the article contains sociological analysis of right-wing radical minds in society in general and in the army. The researcher enlists main characteristics of such feeling in the society and armed forces, as well as main markers of right-wing radicalism. Based on the attempt to forecast actions of the state to prevent further cases of political extremism in Bundeswehr prospects of situation in this sphere are evaluated.


Author(s):  
Donald Abenheim ◽  
Carolyn Halladay

The German soldier and German politics in the second decade of the 21st century face the challenges of a deteriorating international system as well as the reappearance of integral nationalism at home and abroad. The security-building roles and missions of the German armed forces in the three decades since unity are being reoriented to alliance collective defense as well as security building amid great friction with sources near and far. These phenomena in their variety threaten the civic and multilateral tenets of German statecraft as well as fundamental military standards and defense organization since 1949, and in particular, since unification in 1990. Specifically, the constants of postwar German democratic civil–military relations—the citizen in uniform, both bound and empowered by Innere Führung, serving in arms in a force firmly located in European and alliance structures but with a low profile at home, undergirded by both legal and social preferences—have had to withstand multiple blows of late. Some of these blows have been a result of unintended consequences of various policies or nonpolicies articulated without sufficient regard for current context; some as a result of unforced errors by leaders relying on outdated assumptions; and some as intentional provocations amid a fraying political consensus. While the German defense establishment—civilian and uniformed—has thus far mostly mastered these circumstances, the strain on German democratic civil–military relations is unmistakable. Thus, Germany’s civil–military relations face the test that they have well surmounted in the past, that is, to have a good democracy and a good army at the same time. The Bundeswehr’s 2020 deployment amid the coronavirus crisis, alongside discussions about a corona dividend in times of exploding state deficits, seems to have boosted soldiers’ popularity, and thus has opened a new facet of civil–military relations. However, the Bundeswehr must be careful not to foster a self-image of camouflaged civilian service or to create an identity crisis of its Afghanistan veterans serving for months as attendants in retirement homes. The public debate and official reflection manifest at best a mediocre comprehension of the needs of the soldier and the imperative to find a usable past for soldiers asked to defend democracy against its many enemies, without falling prey to militarism and integral nationalism. Innere Führung remains the valid heritage of the German soldier, even—or perhaps especially—for those who are asked by duty and fate to risk their lives in combat.


Author(s):  
Kateryna Butska

The article is dedicated to the artistic and philosophical reflection on the everyday life of the communist era in the novel «The Museum of Unconditional Surrender» («Muzej bezuvjetne predaje», 1996) by Dubravka Ugrešić.The main attention is paid to the museumfication of elements of everyday life of the former Eastern bloc countries (SFRY, USSR in particular), i.e. transformation of material traces of the communist past into museum exhibits.After the fall of communist regimes in the Eastern bloc countries, and the disappearance of some of these states from the world map, entire layers of garbage and material remnants, including utilitarian objects accompanying the bygone everyday life, have remained. As long as the communist era has gone, the traces of its everyday life have acquired new meanings, associated with memory and nostalgia. These meanings define a new hypostasis of everyday objects: their hypostasis as museum exhibits.A world-famous Croatian writer Dubravka Ugrešić witnessed the formation and the breakup of Yugoslavia. In the novel«The Museum of Unconditional Surrender», written during her voluntary exile in Berlin, she depicts the museumfication of communist everyday life, revealing its new, metaphysical sense.The artistic world of the novel is organized within the metaphor of museum, which is emblematic for the postmodern philosophical and aethetical paradigm. The main action takes place in Berlin. Being a shelter for countless refugees and emigrants form the former socialist states, this city is seen as a total museum. Its dwellers repeatedly refer to themselves as to «walking museum exhibits». Thus, not only things, but also people get museumficated as remnants of a bygone era.The Museum of the Unconditional Surrender of the German Armed Forces, which gave the title to the novel, stands as a symbol of repressive mechanisms of the collective memory, promoting the coherent ideological metanarrative of the official history. Dubravka Ugrešić is aimed to deconstruct the museum as an ideological body, depicting some alternative storages of memory in the novel.First, it is the so-called «home museum» – a private collection of disordered photos and everyday things from the past. Besides, there are Berlin landfills and flea markets where things and people from the disappeared countries are found together. These alternative «museums» accumulate the uncoherent, subjective, heterogenic memory of the past. Such memory opposes the coherent metanarrative of a classic public museum.Looking through the different aspects of collective memory materialized in everyday objects, the article analyzes the relation between garbage and cultural memory, trivial objects and art, as well as the writer’s conception of museum.


Lex Russica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (10) ◽  
pp. 113-124
Author(s):  
A. P. Grakhotskiy

In 1964, the trial of Werner Schoenemann, the commander of one of the 6 punitive units of the Einsatzkommando 8, took place in Cologne. The criminal was charged with mass executions of Jews on the territory of Belarus in late June — September 1941. The paper shows how the former Nazi tried to avoid criminal responsibility and what legal assessment by the German justice his atrocities received. V. Schoeneman denied his guilt and sought to shift responsibility for what he had done to the Wehrmacht troops. The defendant argued that the actions of extermination of Jews were carried out on the initiative of the German armed forces and were in the nature of reprisals; they were designed to force the local population to abandon the conduct of guerrilla warfare. Based on the testimony of the accused, law enforcement officers detained three officers of the 354th Infantry Regiment involved in the liquidation of the Jewish community of the town of Krupki (September 18, 1941). During the investigation, it was established that the service members provided support to members of the Einsatzkommando 8 during the execution, but were not the initiators of this atrocity. For complicity in the grave murders of 2,170 Jews in the settlements of Slonim, Borisov, Smolevichi, Krupki and others, V. Schoeneman was sentenced to 6 years in prison. When assigning such a lenient punishment, representatives of the German Themis relied on the dominant approach to assessing the criminal activities of former Nazis in the 1960s. According to the jury, the defendant was only a submissive executor of orders, an impersonal, devoid of his own motives “cog” in the mechanism of the Nazi state. V. Schoeneman did not repent of what he had done. For the former punisher, Jewish victims were still just dry figures in the reports, thanks to which he sought to make a career. Schoeneman’s case proves that Wehrmacht service members took an active part in the Holocaust along with members of the Einsatzkommandos. The genocide, unprecedented in the history of humankind, became possible only because of the broad participation of German citizens representing various social strata and professional groups.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliette Croce

The military is an institution that relies on norms of masculinity allegedly to sustain social cohesion between units and its identity as a “brotherhood.” This reliance subordinates femininity within the military culture and ostracizes the feminized individuals who serve. Simultaneously and paradoxically, militaries integrate homosocial, homoerotic, and feminized behaviors within their practices, traditions, and norms. This article looks at how this appropriation manifests, particularly in the German Armed Forces, locating various feminized practices adopted by military units over the past century and the adverse consequences of this appropriation. In analyzing these behaviors, I argue that this appropriation at the heart of military identity perpetuates heterosexual, hypermasculine norms that the institution idealizes by reinforcing gendered and heteronormative boundaries. In turn, I contend that this further marginalizes feminized individuals in militarized settings, particularly gay men.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katalyn Roßmann ◽  
Heike Wegner ◽  
Hans Stark ◽  
Gerd Großmann ◽  
Andreas Jansen ◽  
...  

The Medical Intelligence and Information (MI2) Unit of the German Armed Forces (Bundeswehr) is experienced in crisis support in military missions since several years. It gained additional experiences during the current coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic on different levels of the response to crisis and was requested to share the findings and expertise with the overloaded civil public health agencies inside Germany. Since the beginning of the pandemic, the unit is constantly developing new products for crisis communication, knowledge sharing techniques in new databases, dashboards for leadership, and training for laypersons in contact tracing. Hence, trying to innovate in crisis since the first severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus (SARS-CoV)-2-disease wave. During the second wave, the unit was requested to evaluate the outbreak management of different national civil public health agencies in southern Germany, and to support the development of dashboards in a comprehensive public health approach as a necessary start toward digitalization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-96
Author(s):  
P. Merkt ◽  
S. Wilk Vollmann ◽  
V. Krcmery

Master students of the part-time study program in the winter semester 2020/21 Crisis & Emergency Management successfully complete the study module Operational Medicine 18F for the first time. Furthermore, participants from the professional groups of the health service, aid organizations, specialized police forces, the German Armed Forces as well as mission and outreach workers were represented in South Germany.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 176-201
Author(s):  
Ph. O. Trunov

The usage of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) has been becoming one of the factors of the armed conflicts development and also the regulation of them. It means that readiness and ability to use UAVs effectively and the scale of equipping the armed forces with UAVs are rather important criteria of the legal capacity of the state armed forces. The article tries to explore the development of this process on the example of German armed forces which traditionally has had rather developed and high-tech industrial base.The Bundeswehr`s equipping with drones allows not only to decide some military-tactical problems but also to fill the shortage of personnel. It is too important in the context of the planned growth of all parameters of German armed forces for long-term perspective. The article presents the types of the Bundeswehr non-combat, especially recon drones, the features of their usage in zones of the armed conflicts. The Bundeswehr faces some difficulties in the question of equipping by non-combat drones. The article also pays attention to German cooperation with the USA and the EU member states in the sphere of the creating and production of military robots. The author pays special attention to question of the Bundeswehr`s equipping by combat UAVs. This idea actively and at the same time smoothly is promoted by CDU/CSU leaders for a decade. The discussion in the Bundestag is shown (its active phases were in spring and especially autumn of 2020). The article also issues the consequences of possible positive decision of the question of Bundeswehr`s equipping by armed drones. It will mean gradual departure from commitment of “strategic restraint” that is historically determined by Germany’s responsibility for starting World War II.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank A. Stengel ◽  
David Shim

This article analyzes the gendered representation of military service in the German YouTube series Die Rekruten (DR) (The Recruits), a popular web series produced on behalf of the German armed forces (Bundeswehr) for recruitment purposes, which accompanies 12 navy recruits during their basic training. The article is situated within research on masculinity and the military, in particular military recruitment. It supplements current scholarship by studying a previously neglected case that is of particular interest given Germany’s antimilitarist culture, which should make military recruitment and military public relations more difficult. The article asks how military service is represented in DR, what its discursive effects are, and what role (if any) masculinity plays in this process. We find support for recent feminist research on military masculinities (including in military recruitment) that emphasizes ambiguity and contradiction. What distinguishes the construction of military masculinity in DR from, for example, recruitment advertisements in the United States or the United Kingdom is its markedly civil character. This not only broadens the military’s appeal for a more diverse audience but also increases the legitimacy of the military and its activities. It does so by concealing the violence that has for the past two decades also been a very real part of what the Bundeswehr does.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (8) ◽  
pp. e0256104
Author(s):  
Christian Helms ◽  
Florian Wertenauer ◽  
Kai-Uwe Spaniol ◽  
Peter Lutz Zimmermann ◽  
Gerd-Dieter Willmund

Studies identified service members of the United States (US) Armed Forces as a high-risk group for suicide. A significant increase in the suicide rate in the US Armed Forces was found in recent years. To date, there is no military suicide statistic available for the German Armed Forces. This study examined attempted and completed suicides in active service members of the German Armed Forces between 2010 and 2016 retrospectively, on the basis of archived personal and medical records in the central archives of the Medical Service of German Armed Forces. The primary goal was to establish a suicide-statistic for the German Armed Forces and to calculate and compare the suicides rates with the German population. Secondary every case’s data was analysed the groups of attempted and completed suicides were compared. 262 attempted suicides and 148 completed suicides were included in this study (N = 410). The suicide rates of the German Armed Forces peaked over the years 2014–2015 with a suicide rate of 15–16/100.000 active military service members and exceeded the civilian suicide rate in Germany of around 12/100.000 people during those years, although no general trend could be determined. These service members were mostly young men (attempted suicide 81.7%, completed suicide 99.3%), at the age of 17 - <35 years old (87% attempted suicide, 68,3% completed suicide), and were employed less than 6 years in the German Armed Forces (attempted suicide 72.9%, completed suicide 46.3%). Service members with attempted suicides belonged mostly to the military North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)-rank-group for other ranks (lowermost military professionals) OR-1 –OR-4 (48.1%) or to the rank-group OR-6 –OR-9 in the group of completed suicides (34.5%). Only in about one third of cases a psychiatric diagnosis could be found in the records. Most frequent diagnoses were neurotic, stress-related and somatoform disorders (International Classification of Diseases Tenth Revision^ICD-10: F4) in 46.8%, and affective disorders (ICD-10: F3) in 43.3% of all cases. In the majority of cases there were signs for potential stressors in the private sector (attempted suicide 90.6%, completed suicide 82.6%). No typical risk factors which would enable a specific prevention could be identified in this analysis. Therefore, should preventive strategies be aiming at a multi-level intervention program.


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