foreign politics
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2022 ◽  
pp. 209-228
Author(s):  
Vemund Aarbakke

This chapter intends to outline the place of Macedonia in the nation-building process that took place in South-East Europe with the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire. Macedonia became the place where national aspirations converged and came into conflict with each other. This gave it a special role in the national narratives of Bulgaria, Serbia, and Greece both internally and in foreign politics. The (federal) Macedonian state that emerged after WWII sought to carve out its own trajectory in a space that was already occupied physically and ideologically by its neighbours. This led to a conflict that lurked under the surface for most of the Cold War but came out in the open with the dissolution of Yugoslavia. The chapter seeks to clarify some of the central issues related to Macedonian nationality and minorities in the Balkan and European context.


Author(s):  
Oliviero Frattolillo

Abstract This article assesses the Japanese diplomatic contribution through the prism of the Indochinese political situation in the early 1970s. The traditional literature depicts Japan’s non-existent proactivism in postwar foreign politics, based on its alleged unconditional dependence on Washington’s political agenda. However, throughout the 1970s there were occasions in which the country showed how it was independently engaged at a diplomatic level. This has often been overlooked by the literature produced in the field, but it is an irrefutable conclusion from the historical evidence and the analysis of the archival sources. Japan’s diplomatic commitment in solving the problem of peace in Cambodia, its double effort as a diplomatic intermediary between the political actors involved in the Indochinese issue and, at the same time, through the ODA policy, may offer the missing elements for a no longer univocal interpretation of its postwar diplomatic history—which is the aim of this essay.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (10) ◽  
pp. 842
Author(s):  
Vasilică Bîrzu

This paper describes some motivations and outlines some limits regarding the possibility and necessity of interreligious, interconfessional, and interideological dialogue, in an attempt to improve our understanding of Orthodox Christianity’s role in these important aspects of domestic and foreign politics. This study aims to resolve the divergent opinions that exist in the Orthodox Church regarding the possibility of remaining in this kind of dialogue. The ancient philosophical mode of dialogue and the modern one are analyzed: dialogue as debate and negotiation. The study begins from the analysis of some technical terms describing the social and spiritual dimensions of dialogue; from the perspective of these spiritual and social dimensions, the possibilities, the potential positive results, and the risks of remaining in dialogue with someone of another confession, belief, or ideology are analyzed. It reveals the evolution of the dialogue’s content, its enrichment with the spiritual dimensions of martyria and exomologesis, and the efficient centrality of the Logos in it, as suggested by the etymological definition of dialogue. It also emphasizes the necessity of a deep understanding of all these spiritual dimensions of dialogue for achieving efficient and fruitful communication with representatives of other social or religious groups. This communication can be seen as a guarantee of peace and social stability.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Stanislav Myšička

He holds a PhD and is Assistant Professor at the Department of Politics, Philosophical Faculty, University of Hradec Králové, Czech Republic. He specialises in Chinese modern history, Chinese foreign politics, international relations in Asia, and the history of Asian political thinking. He is the author of the book John Rawls a Teorie Mezinárodních Vztahů [John Rawls and the Theory of International Relations]. E-mail: [email protected]


Author(s):  
Nemanja Andrijašević

Abstract: George Radin (Đorđe Radin, 1896–1981) was one of the numerous Serbian emigrants in the USA in the period right before WW2. He studied at the most eminent American Universities and had become an attorney, then a lawyer and finally an expert in international law. He managed to achieve great success and expertise in the field of American foreign politics and diplomacy. In the period between the two World Wars, he met Bishop Dr. Nicholai Velimirovich who made a strong impression on him. He was the Bishop’s guide across the USA during his two visits there: in 1920 and in 1927. During his first visit to the continent, the Bishop had organized the life of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), considering that at the time SOC didn’t have its residing bishop there. Radin was, according to his own testimony, one of the organizers of the Bishop’s arrival to America at the beginning of 1946. He had been of the opinion that this significant Bishop should live in one of the Protestant Churches and hold lectures at the Universities, thus serving SOC and its members. In other words, it was his conviction that the Bishop should have organized the church life in the same way he did in his previous two visits to the USA. However, the situation between the two World Wars was far more complicated. The Serbian Church had by that time appointed its ruling bishop in America and Canada — Dionisiye Milivoyevich (Dionisije Milivojević, 1898–1979), who parted ways with Bishop Nicholai soon after his arrival to the USA. Immense damage had been done to the SOC by the utter lack of cooperation between these two bishops. Bishop Nicholai found a “Solomon’s solution” for this by deciding to live and work in Saint Tikhon’s Orthodox Monastery in South Canaan, Pennsylvania. It was in this holy place that he reposed in 1956. Until the end of his life, Radin was of the opinion that a fundamental mistake had been made by the secession of the opportunity that through abiding in the Protestant communities Bishop Nicholai might do more for the SOC and the Serbs, especially through his acquaintances and contacts with the representatives of other Christian confessions, primarily Protestants. He mentioned this in his correspondence with Sliјepchevich (Đoko Slijepčević, 1908–1993). Also, Radin made all the efforts in his power to help overcome the current schism in the SOC. He wrote about his opinions, ideas and steps taken in that direction to the bishops of the Serbian Church, as well as the Patriarch German Djorich himself. Even though the Patriarch of the SOC also made efforts to help overcome the schism, at one point he told Radin that this unfortunate and extremely difficult issue is an internal matter of the SOC, and thus should be dealt with internally. In the appendix of this work, there are excerpts from the letters found in the Radin — Slijepchevich correspondence. They illustrate the enormous mutual trust and respect that these two acquaintances had for each other, having met by the mediation of Bishop Nicholai. The excerpts also present the opinions of the respectful lawyer and law expert — Radin who, in his own way, tried to contribute to the benefit of the SOC. They also convey his judgment on the importance of Bishop Nicholai as well as his discernment about the missed opportunity that the above mentioned bishop should have been presented with in order to contribute more to the SOC, its faithful people and all the Serbs in general — on the American continent, as well as in the whole world. It is clear that he remained hindered in that respect — among other factors — by the will of Bishop Dionisiye. Only a few years after the death of Bishop Nicholai, the most complicated problem of the SOC in diaspora unraveled — the schism. Radin directed all his attention and efforts towards the solution of this problem, in the ways he considered to be the most acceptable. In all this he had agreement with and support of Slijepchevich, with whom he had researched the best ways of achieving reconciliation. Fragments of his letters imply that the majority of his emigrant life he devoted to taking care of Bishop Nicholai, as well as fighting against schism and finding the possibilities of its overcoming.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-160
Author(s):  
B. V. Dolgov

The article is devoted to examine Russian-Turkish relations in the historical retrospective review. The regional and geopolitical goals which Russia had to realize in XVII – beginning XX centuries and which is stipulated the necessity to ensure Russia security and further economical development are revealed. The factors which led to push of Russia and Turkey interests and which became the cause of Russian-Turkish military conflicts which is occurred at interval of cooperation and partnership in this period are represented. The results of Russian military and political efforts which allowed realize the tasks to liberate Crimea, for Russia passage to Black Sea and to Mediterranean Sea basin, to support Balkan peoples to win their national independence, what strengthened Russian regional and geopolitical positions considerably are examined. The character of Russian-Turkish relations in Soviet period which passed the stages of the cooperation and confrontation which caused “Cold War” is revealed.The main attention is allotted to analyze in details the recent stage of Russia – Turkey relations. The character of the actual Turkish ruling elite, which is represented of the Justice and Development Party (JDP), which is confessing the ideology of the moderate Islamism and Neo Osmanism is exposed. The internal social and economical politics of JDP is examined. The goals and intentions, which Turkish leadership pushed forward, are analyzed and their influence on Russian-Turkish relations is inspected. The activity of the Turkish foreign politics on the different directions in the Arab World, Europe, countries of CIS, Moslem regions of Russian Federation is examined. In the conclusions the differences and common interests in the foreign politics of Russia and Turkey and the possibility of their cooperation are analyzed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-106
Author(s):  
Theoneste Bimenyimana

"The aim of this study is to identify and critically assess the effects of appropriation of foreign political ideologies and practices in African political systems. This paper argues that there should be no leader, whatever his worth; look on his own personal problems to be exploited for the benefits of western’s Politics. Which will enable the African systems to develop, secondly, argues that Human Rights should be looked at to be an apportioned – responsibility, shared by both the former colonial powers and the current post-colonial political elites, rather than seeing Human rights promotion as yet another excuse to interfere or control other sovereign nations. The study will involve qualitative research involving reviewing other authors' literature, identifying current affairs, and critical assessing the ways in which neo-colonialism affects the different societies in transition from a colonial past to independence. The study is based on the fact that colonized countries, during the Cold War, suffered political oppression, economic exploitation, and social degradation, while alignment either with the capitalist or communist ideology failed. Currently there is a felt pressure to adopt a neoliberal ideology in order to access to have access to aid and investment. The study concludes with recommendations to third world leaders, to look at the people they lead as their responsibility, since no leader, whatever his/her worth, can replace the will of people. This results in a felt need to embrace democracy and such democratic values as: strong institutions, an independent judiciary and the separation of powers, individual and minority rights, and civil rights. Keywords: postcolonial politics, appropriation of foreign politics, human rights, principled values of democracy, the inability of African leaders "


Author(s):  
Budi Purnomo

This paper examines Australian foreign policy among Indonesian, especially on the West Irian case in 1949-1962. The bilateral relationship between Indonesia-Australia from 1949-1962 always goes through up and down “Roller Coaster.” The relationship between both countries is not structured. No mechanism is arranged, so it depends on the political development and the situations, especially defense and political problems. Indonesia claimed that West Irian is supposed to be a menace for Australian security. Australia put West Irian as a Vital Interest concept. In the cabinet session on January 11, 1962, Australia do “Volte Face” and confess that the vital interest concept is not invalid anymore because there is no menace evidence for Australia or region Australia interest.


2021 ◽  
pp. 289-298
Author(s):  
Tina Frühauf

By the mid-1980s, the Leipziger Synagogalchor fulfilled its function as Chor des Verbandes and also traveled abroad as part of GDR’s diplomatic visits strategy. Instrumentalized in foreign politics, in actuality Jewish culture became a metaphor for absence. The Karl-Marx-Stadt community counted no more than a dozen members and it is surprising that services took place at all, even if occasionally. Magdeburg and Halle began to jointly celebrate Passover. To counteract their desolate situation, communities relied on established outsiders for special events. The Leipziger Synagogalchor’s political exploitation became ever more transparent when in January 1987 the Leipzig office of Foreign Information developed a concept for a ten-minute film feature of the choir for export to non-socialist countries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 299-306
Author(s):  
Tina Frühauf

The year 1988 saw the fiftieth anniversary of Kristallnacht and 1989 the fall of the Wall. During these years the Leipziger Synagogalchor’s national and international performances and exposure reached an all-time peak. But these years also marked other turning points. The year 1988 was the last year the choir officially functioned as Chor des Verbandes, though as representative of Jewish culture it continued to cater to the GDR’s increasing fixation with foreign politics. Indeed, the choir traveled westward multiple times, with tours to the other Germany in 1988 and 1989. It thus aided the state’s attempts to transmit the image of an antifascist society with a vibrant Jewish culture. In reality, the choir’s ever more dominant presence paralleled a steep decline of the Jewish communities, a situation the state was fully aware of.


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