scholarly journals MARKETING POLITIK DPP PARTAI GERINDRA PADA PEMILU LEGISLATIF 2014

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fahmi Nurdiansyah

The purpose of this research is to know the implementation in the political marketing of Gerindra Party and some factors encouraging the party to gain a wide range of constituent voters in the legislative elections 2014. The aforementioned evidence reveals that Gerindra Party approached middle class down society and youth, on determining intended voters and this party also focusing on small society (farmer, fisherman, labour, teacher and small trader). In terms of positioning, Gerindra Party put themselves in outside of the government and acknowledge them as the party for small society. In Indonesian political constellation, it can be seen that political party has a high correlation with the power of public figure to increase popularity and electability. Gerindra Party is still introduced Prabowo Subianto as a public figure who can be used to gain a number of voters for the party.

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Avi Bareli ◽  
Uri Cohen

This article assumes, first, that during the 1950s the government, the trade union Histadrut, and the political party Mapai situated themselves in an intermediate position between the Ashkenazi public and the recently arrived Mizrahi immigrants. Second, it assumes that the right and center-right public forces, such as the General Zionist and Herut parties, and the influential liberal-oriented newspaper Ha’aretz played key roles in the evolution of ethnic relations during this period and impacted the political orientation of the Ashkenazi middle class. It examines these assumptions by considering the part played by the right, the center-right, and the Mapai government during a prolonged conflict between the Ashkenazi academic middle class and the government during the mid- 1950s. This dispute centered on the appropriate extent of the wage gaps set between the salaries of the new Ashkenazi academic middle class and those of the new Mizrahi proletariat.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Primus Adeodatur Latu Batara ◽  
Guntur Freddy Prisanto ◽  
Niken Febrina Ernungtyas ◽  
Irwansyah Irwansyah ◽  
Safira Hasna

The large number of parties in the 2019 legislative elections made political parties have to compete for political power in their constituencies. Political marketing communication strategies are needed to get the most votes and win in the democratic event every 5 years in Indonesia. East Nusa Tenggara I became one of the electoral districts that experienced fierce competition among the political parties, due to the large number of elite legislative members and political activists in this area. However, Nasdem as a new party was able to gain the most votes and won the 2019 legislative elections. Therefore, the objective of this study is to understand how the political marketing communication strategy used by Nasdem in East Nusa Tenggara Province, especially in the NTT electoral district I to win the 2019 legislative elections. The research used the concept of political parties, political campaigns, and political marketing communication using a qualitative approach and in-depth interview techniques. As a result, sales oriented political party marketing communication strategies used by Nasdem in the 2019 elections in the electoral district of East Nusa Tenggara Province I won the most votes. This strategy aims to get the number of votes from potential voters, and the representation of parties and personal  figures that are 'sold' by political parties. Personal figures of the candidates have more impact  for winning legislative elections than political party ideologies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 706-726
Author(s):  
Paulo R. A. Loureiro ◽  
Tito B. S. Moreira ◽  
Antônio Nascimento ◽  
Roberto Ellery

Subject Continuing violent protests. Significance The wave of demonstrations and violence that has rocked Santiago and most other Chilean cities over the past few days, shocking Chileans themselves, is essentially a protest against the “1%”, in other words the political and business elite. However, this does not mean, at least for now, that Chileans want a radical change in the predominantly neoliberal economic model, but rather a fairer share of its proceeds and opportunities. Impacts Repair of some sections of the Metro could take months, to the detriment of mostly lower-middle-class neighbourhoods of Santiago. The disruption of activity will pull down growth this year, which was already expected to drop to around 2.5% from 4.0% in 2018. Growing reports of police and army brutality and violations of the law are further polarising the situation. For the rest of its term the government will be at the mercy of events and will have to negotiate agreements with the opposition.


Subject Government-INE tensions. Significance The National Electoral Institute (INE) on February 6 ratified Edmundo Jacobo Molina as its general secretary for another six-year term. The decision, taken with the support of eight of the INE’s eleven-member General Council, has reignited tensions between the government of President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) and the INE leadership, particularly Council President Lorenzo Cordova. Several government officials have accused Cordova and his fellow councillors of undemocratic behavior for having brought forward the vote, which was originally scheduled for April 10 -- six days after the Chamber of Deputies is due to appoint four new members to the Council. Impacts The fact that AMLO’s name will not be on the ballot in next year’s legislative elections could be a disadvantage for Morena. In its current weakened state, the political opposition is unlikely to put up an effective fight to uphold the INE’s independence. The four new INE Council members appointed in April will help organise elections in 2024 and 2027, as well as the 2021 midterms.


Urban History ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 42-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Hills

For a long time historians saw the increased wealth, numbers and power of British manufacturers, merchants and professionals as simply an inevitable part of the process of industrialization. As a result the formation of the class seemed to require no further exploration. More recently interest in the middle class has increased and much closer attention has been given to specific dimensions. It seems evident from this work that any analysis of the middle class faces a number of problems. Firstly, that of definition. There was a wide range of status and income groups within the middle class. What criteria of wealth and occupation should be used, how important is it to fix upper and lower boundaries for the class, how are questions of lifestyle and attitudes to be gauged? Secondly, there were certain divisions within groups who can reasonably be considered middle class by any criteria. Above all, we must note that there was no distinctive middle-class political party and differences were as deeply felt in politics as were antagonisms between Anglicans and Nonconformists in religion. In view of such diversities is it possible to speak of the middle class and, if so, what does class formation and unity consist of? What levels of unity allow or inhibit class power? This is the subject of my overall research, of which only a glimpse can be given here.


1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 766-776 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles R. Adrian

Out of the middle-class businessman's “Efficiency and Economy Movement” that reached full strength in the second decade of the twentieth century came a series of innovations designed to place government “on a business basis” and to weaken the power of the political parties. The movement was inspired both by the example of the success of the corporate structure in trade and industry and by revulsion against the low standards of morality to be found in many sectors of political party activity around the turn of the century. The contemporary brand of politician had recently been exposed by the “muck-rakers” and the prestige of the parties had reached a very low level.Of the numerous ideas and mechanisms adopted as a result of the reform movement, one of the most unusual was that of election without party designation. Early in the twentieth century, under the theory that judges are neutral referees, not political officers, and that political activities should therefore be discouraged in the choosing of them, many communities initiated “nonpartisan” elections (the term that is usually applied) in the balloting for judicial posts.


Author(s):  
Anara Kamalova

Today one of the most important problems of the Kyrgyz economy is the involvement of business to the social issues of society and social marketing. The main goal of social marketing is to raise the company's image, because it can promote a brand by solving social problems. Also compliance with the principles of social marketing in activity provides the conditions for the creation of a positive image of a company, political party or a public figure. Despite the fact that global social marketing is growing rapidly, unfortunately, in Kyrgyzstan, it has not yet received adequate development and only some businesses take responsibility for the performance of these functions and occasionally solve social issues. Analyzing the social marketing technologies in Kyrgyzstan, it should be noted that, their use is very unpopular. This is due to the lack of effective support from the government. In our opinion, it is necessary to provide tax breaks for companies that address social issues as well as provide moral and legal support to these enterprises.


Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government


Author(s):  
Muhammad Yusrizal Adi Syaputra

The political party's position as a determinant of government head nomination in Indonesia made the political party a central and strong role in the determination of the Cabinet in the presidential government of Indonesia and allowed the political party to determine the Cabinet domination established by the President elected. This research aims to determine the model of the presidential institution strengthening in the multi-party era in Indonesia and to know the political and juridical construction of the presidential institution in determining the cabinet in Indonesia. The method used is a normative legal research method with a conceptual approach. The results of this research are, firstly that the strengthening of the presidential institution in the multi-party era can occur when done with the restriction of political parties through the mechanism of the parliamentary threshold. Secondly, that the political construction of the cabinet determination by the President is based on the coalition of political party supporters of the government, and the juridical construction of the President may elect the Minister of the party proposal because it is based on article 6A paragraph (2) The Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945. Kedudukan partai politik sebagai penentu pencalonan kepala pemerintahan di Indonesia menjadikan Partai Politik memiliki peran sentral dan kuat dalam penentuan kabinet di Pemerintahan Presidentiil Indonesia dan memungkinkan partai politik untuk menentukan dominasi kabinet yang dibentuk oleh Presiden terpilih. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui model penguatan lembaga kepresidenan pada era multi partai di Indonesia, dan untuk mengetahui konstruksi politis dan yuridis lembaga kepresidenan dalam menentukan kabinet di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan konseptual. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa pertama, penguatan lembaga kepresidenan di era multi partai dapat terjadi apabila dilakukan dengan pembatasan partai politik melalui mekanisme parlementary threshold. Kedua, bahwa konstruksi politis penentuan kabinet oleh presiden didasarkan atas koalisi partai politik pendukung pemerintahan, dan konstruksi yuridis presiden dapat memilih menteri dari usulan partai karena didasarkan pada Pasal 6A ayat (2) UUD 1945.


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