legislative elections
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2022 ◽  
Vol 2022 (0) ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Carlos Muñiz ◽  

During election campaigns the mass media favor political debate, giving relevant issues a particular framing. In this coverage the use of the conflict frame stands out, and although it usually presents politics as an exercise of confrontation and attack, it can also show it as a process of discussion and the exchange of opinions. A content analysis was conducted on television and press news during the 2018 presidential and the 2021 federal legislative elections in Mexico. The findings confirm the existence of two differentiated frames, that of “conflict” and that of “discussion and political agreement”. Furthermore, a connection between the two frames was detected in the media coverage of the campaigns.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 150
Author(s):  
Amar Muhyi Diinis Sipa

[Politik dan agama seperti tidak terpisah belakangan ini, kesalehan dan kereligiusan politisi ataupun partai politik seperti menjadi keharusan, Agama kuatsebagai doktrin dan legitimasi, dan politik membutuhkan agama sebagai alat legitimasi untuk mencapai eksistensi, kekuasaan, dan menjaring suara serta simpati masa. Akhirnya spiritualitas dan simbol keagamaan menjadi produk politik dan domain khas atau khusus yang menjadi identitas politisi dan partai politik lalu kemudian dikenalkan kepada khalayak yang disebut sebagai political marketing. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk memahami lebih jauh wacana politik dengan kemasan simbolik keagamaan pada poster caleg PKS yang dijadikan sebagai alat kampanya untuk mempengaruhi pilihan publik. pendekatan didalam artikel ini menggunakan analisis semiotika untuk membedah simbol-simbol yang berada dalam poster-poster kampanye politik caleg di media sosial. Sehingga Semiotika mencoba untuk membongkar tanda yang memiliki makna di dalam kehidupan sosial maupun kehidupan politik. Adapun, metode yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah metode kualitatif yang bersifat deskriptif analitis, dengan metode pengumpulan data menganalisis poster-poster kampanye di media sosial Instagram pada akun @pkstangerang. Kesimpulan penelitian, yakni: politik keagamaan eksis karena peranan agama yang mampu menyentuh sisi emosional dari manusia, dalam akun @pkstangerang kebanyakan postingannya tidak terlepas dari unsur spiritualitas agama dan doktrin agama, saat melakukan kampanye dalam pemilihan legislatif juga tidak terlepas dari simbol dan narasi agama atau simbol kesalehan. Contohnya caleg yang mengenakan kopiah, baju koko, dan memegang kitab Marketing Politik Kampanye Religius Pemilu di Indonesia Vol. 6 Nomor 2, Juli-Desember 2021 151 fiqih. Untuk itu istilah politik keagamaan dalam dunia politik atau pemilu legislatif sebagai istilah kampanye religius yang menggambarkan religiusitas dalam politik sebagai cara political marketing.Politics and religion have become inseparable in recent times, piety and religiosity of politicians or political parties have become imperative, religion isstrong as doctrine and legitimacy, and politics requires religion as a legitimacy tool to achieve existence, power, and gain votes and sympathy from the masses. Finally, spirituality and religious symbols become political products and distinctive or special domainsthat become the identities of politicians and political parties and are then introduced to the public which is known as political marketing. This article aims to further understand political discourse with religious symbolic packaging on PKS candidate posters which are used as a campaign tool to influence public choice. The approach in this article uses semiotic analysis to dissect the symbols in the political campaign posters of candidates on social media. So Semiotics tries to dismantle signsthat have meaning in social life and political life. Meanwhile, the method used in this article is a qualitative descriptive-analytical method, with the data collection method analyzing campaign posters on Instagram social media on the @pkstangerang account. The conclusion of the study, namely: religious politics exists because of the role of religion that can touch the emotional side of humans, in the @pkstangerang account most of the posts can not be separated from elements of religious spirituality and religious doctrine, while campaigning in legislative elections are also inseparable from religious symbols and narratives or symbol of piety. For example, candidates who wear a skullcap, Koko shirt, and hold a book of fiqh. For this reason, the term religious politics in politics orlegislative elections is a religious campaign term that describes religiosity in politics as a way of political marketing.]


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-24
Author(s):  
Ansar Ansar ◽  
Muradi Muradi ◽  
Ferry Kurnia Rizkiansyah

This paper aims to determine the capital utilization of a newcomer candidate who wins in an electoral district that has just been expanded, the problem is focused on how aspects of social capital, political capital and economic capital of a newcomer actor. In order to approach this problem, the theoretical reference from Bordieu (1992) and Maridjan (2006) data collected through field data and documentation is used and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that Dedi Sitorus's victory was due to having more than one capital. There are several important fundamental considerations such as: first, Dedi Sitorus' social capital has a Social Network in the Nunukan community, Second, Dedi Sitorus' political capital has support from parties starting from the central level and also the DPC administrator at the Nunukan Regency level and also the support from regional authorities and also figures Local Politics, Third Economic Capital Dedi Sitorus has very large finances so he does not need donors to carry out his campaign and has the ability to rent air transportation to carry out mobility in campaigns. With the accumulation of all the capital owned, Dedi Sitorus can take advantage and use the moment well so that he gets a significant vote in the 2019 legislative elections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
Muhammad Danil ◽  
Erliza Fitri

This study discusses the political communication carried out by Nasrul in the 2019–2024 legislative elections in Payakumbuh City. The focus of this research is on the elected candidates from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) due to being elected as a member of the DPRD Payakumbuh City with the most votes. The author assumes that his victory was motivated by good political communication. This research is a field research with a qualitative approach, while data collection is carried out through interviews with direct respondents Nasrul as the main source and secondary sources are the head of the PKS faction, a team of volunteers, community leaders who were selected based on sampling. The purpose of this study was to "know about the political communication used by Nasrul in the legislative elections" in Payakumbuh City for the 2019-2024 period. The results of this study, get the following conclusions: first, the political communication strategy used by Nasrul: 1) Nasrul uses the style of public relations communication (building relationships with the community). 2) Delivering political messages in the form of vision and mission. 3) Using media outside the campaign space such as stickers and calendars. 4) The effectiveness of Nasrul's political communication that is getting support in the form of voting in the legislative elections with acquiring 986 votes in electoral districts III (East Payakumbuh and North Payakumbuh).


Significance The OECD similarly raised its forecast for Colombia this month to 9.5%, from 7.6% previously. The optimism follows impressive growth of 17.6% and 13.2% year-on-year in the second and third quarters, according to national statistics agency DANE, as the economy emerges from the paralysis brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic. Impacts The banking sector has proven resilient during the pandemic; solvency risks will remain low and no recapitalisation needs are expected. Additional social, health and education spending will be needed to reverse a sharp increase in the poverty rate, now 43%. Security problems will continue to threaten Colombia’s social and economic development. Congress will remain fragmented after the March legislative elections, making consensus-building crucial to the passing of legislation.


Author(s):  
Aryo Wasisto

The simultaneous scheme in the 2019 elections in Indonesia caused voter confusion, especially in the legislative elections. Citizens who are confused and disappointed when voting candidates characterize the declining quality of representation in electoral democracy. This study aims to determine the factors of confusion among citizens when they are in the voting booth. The case study research was conducted in Surabaya by interviewing 54 residents after the general election using recalling questions and in-depth interviews. The results show that the voter confusion factor is the effect of the complex design of the 2019 legislative election ballot paper, the lack of socialization about election procedures, and the difficulty of respondents understanding the simultaneous election models. The competency category shows that voter confusion is the respondents' low interest in political discussions and inadequate political knowledge. These two competence issues affect the quality of voters' political participation. Voter confusion in Surabaya generally motivates the phenomena of incorrect and misleading voting.AbstrakSkema serentak dalam pemilu 2019 di Indonesia menimbulkan fenomena kebingungan pemilih, khususnya pada pemilihan legislatif. Warga yang bingung dan kecewa pada saat memilih kandidat mencirikan menurunnya kualitas representasi dalam demokrasi elektoral. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendapatkan faktor-faktor kebingungan warga saat berada di bilik suara. Penelitian studi kasus dilakukan di Surabaya dengan mewawancarai 54 warga pasca pemilihan umum dengan menggunakan teknik recalling question dan deep interview. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa faktor kebingungan pemilih merupakan efek dari desain kertas suara pemilihan legislatif 2019 yang kompleks, minimnya sosialisasi mengenai tata cara pemilu, dan sulitnya responden memahami pemilihan model serentak. Kategori kompetensi menunujukkan bahwa kebingungan terjadi karena rendahnya ketertarikan responden dalam diskusi politik dan rendahnya pengetahuan politik. Dua masalah komptensi ini berefek pada kualitas partisipasi politik pemilih. Kebingungan pemilih di Surabaya secara umum memotivasi fenomena incorrect voting dan misleading voting.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 402-427
Author(s):  
Tim Murithi

Abstract On 4 March 2013, when Kenyans participated in national presidential and legislative elections, there was wide-spread concern that the underling grievances that erupted during the 2007 and 2008 post-election violence would remerge. However, the polls were relatively peaceful in comparison. This case study will interrogate how mass atrocities were prevented in 2013 in Kenya, despite the prevalence of risk factors which could spark tensions and fuel violence. This article interrogates the local sources of resilience and inhibitors of atrocity crimes and considers the preventive actions that were undertaken and by whom, with a view to understanding what they achieved. In addition, it will assess the outcomes that were achieved as a result of these preventive actions. Through an evaluation of the preventive actions the article will examine which actions proved to be most effective in affecting the risks dynamics of the country in the short, medium and long-term. Kenya’s history of violence and failure to uphold accountability and redress for victims, meant that in 2013, it was significantly prone to the scourge of atrocity crimes. This analysis will draw out a number of key lessons for enhancing the prevention of atrocity crimes in the future.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Ochieng' Opalo

Why does clientelism persist? What determines how politicians signal responsiveness to voters and exert effort towards fulfilling campaign promises? This article explores how state capacity, legislative institutional strength, and established ideas about what politicians can do structure the political market in legislative elections. The argument herein is that campaign promises must be credible to have any currency. Therefore, programmatic campaign promises are likely to be more credible in countries with strong states and legislatures, while clientelism predominates in weak states whose legislatures cannot compel the executive branch to implement legislators’ campaign promises. Historical experience also matters in shaping shared expectations of what politicians can do and the feasible sets of credible campaign promises. I support these arguments with a historical institutionalist analysis of Kenya’s Harambee Movement and the Constituency Development Fund (CDF), as well as evidence from a nationally representative survey. Findings corroborate the claim that clientelism persists when it is the most credible means of fulfilling campaign promises. This article also shows that rising costs can precipitate legislative reforms away from clientelism – as happened with the creation of Kenya’s CDF in 2003. Overall, this article increases our understanding of the origins and persistence of clientelism in low-income states and potential avenues for reform towards programmatic politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 332
Author(s):  
Syarkawi Syarkawi ◽  
Hendri Koeswara ◽  
Desna Aromatica

This study aims to determine the existence of local political parties in Aceh in the 2009-2019 legislative elections. The presence of local political parties in Aceh is a the result of the peace conflict between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Government Republic of Indonesia. The birth of a local political party in Aceh brought considerable influence large in the control of seats in the parliament in Aceh in its first participation in the 2009 legislative elections. However, his presence continues to experience According to him, the decline was in line with the number of votes in the next legislative election. This study aims to measure the existence of local political parties in Aceh in terms of 2009-2019 legislative elections. The research method uses the method qualitative descriptive with research focus on legislative elections at the provincial level Aceh in 2009-2019. The data collection techniques used are: interviews and documentation studies. The results showed that the existence of the party Aceh's local politics continues to decline as the number of votes and local political party seats in the 2014 and 2019 legislative elections when compared to the 2009 legislative elections. The decline in the existence of parties local politics in Aceh is measured from the concept of systemic degree, value identity, degree of autonomy and public knowledge


2021 ◽  
pp. 002234332110477
Author(s):  
Deniz Aksoy ◽  
David Carlson

Militant groups that are in armed conflict with a government often coexist with political parties that have ethnic or ideological connections to them. In this article, we explore the extent to which electoral support received by militant associated opposition parties and nationally incumbent political parties influences subnational variation in militant attacks. We argue, and empirically demonstrate, that militants strategically target localities where the levels of electoral support for the opposition party and the nationally incumbent party are close in an effort to negatively influence the electoral performance of the incumbent party. To illustrate this dynamic we examine subnational data from 1995 to 2015 Turkish legislative elections and attacks organized by the Kurdish militants within the same time period. We also examine the impact of June 2015 legislative elections on militant attacks until the snap elections in November 2015. Our empirical examination shows that militants target localities where electoral support for the governing party and Kurdish opposition party is close. Moreover, increase in violence negatively influences the electoral performance of the governing party. However, it does not consistently have a significant influence on the opposition. The findings illustrate that militants strategically choose the location of their attacks based on electoral dynamics, and attacks can pose an electoral challenge to the governing party.


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