scholarly journals Political Preferences of the Ukrainian National Minority in Poland in the Elections to the European Parliament

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Maryan Lopata ◽  

The paper describes, interprets, and characterizes the results of elections to the European Parliament in Poland based on the voting behaviour of the Ukrainian national minority. In the article, four European elections 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019 were considered. The research hypothesizes is that the Ukrainian national minority could have a distinct voting behaviour from their region of permanent living and voted obviously for the representatives of liberal and leftist political forces rather than for far-right and right, or even far-left candidates on the elections to the European Parliament. In the years 2004-2019, an interesting phenomenon could be observed in the elections to the European Parliament in the area of communes inhabited by the Ukrainian population. In the «Ukrainian» municipalities located in the northern part of Poland, where the electorate was rather liberal (Civic Platform) or possibly anti-system (Self-Defence) the election results did not differ from the rest of the regions. This phenomenon was inherent in both the West Pomeranian and Warmia-Masurian voivodships. On the other hand, in the Komańcza commune, which is located in the Subcarpathian voivodship, in which the conservative electorate has been the strongest, the results of the voting in the “Ukrainian” commune were significantly different from other communes of the region. In other words, the results of the elections in Komańcza were much more similar to the results obtained in northern and western Poland than to the results in the South-Eastern Poland. The article concludes that, in general, those municipalities, where the citizens of Ukrainian descent consist at least 10% of the overall population, vote for more liberal parties to the European Parliament. Instead, the support of rightwing political parties like Law and Justice, Kukiz’15, Korvin Confederation as a right-wing parties is much lower. Even during elections to the European Parliament in 2019, Law and Justice, victorious in the rest of the country, evidently had lower support in “Ukrainian” municipalities. The Civic Platform is perceived as a much more moderate party, guaranteeing, in their opinion, representatives of the Ukrainian minority a greater sense of security and comfort of living in the Polish state.

2014 ◽  
Vol 113 (761) ◽  
pp. 98-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cas Mudde

[N]either the far right nor the ‘anti-European populists’ are on track to win a significant victory in the upcoming European Parliament elections.


Significance Last year’s march was marred by far-right racism, with many foreign activists participating. A court overruled the Warsaw mayor’s attempt to ban the march this year. The ruling Law and Justice (PiS) tried to dilute neo-fascist participation with its own official celebrations, kept carefully away from nationalist displays. A few days earlier, the results from the final round of regional elections came as a disappointment for the PiS government, which had sought to broaden support among middle-class voters. Impacts The October 2019 parliamentary elections will be held amid a likely economic slowdown. PiS will redouble efforts to win popularity after failing to build regionally on its 2015 national electoral triumph. PiS may be assisted at the EU level if as some predict the far-right performs well in the elections to the European Parliament in May.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 10-16
Author(s):  
BORIS GUSELETOV ◽  

The article presents an analysis of the results of the 2019 elections of members of the European Parliament and the formation of a new composition of the European Commission. The question of how the balance of power has changed in the new Parliament between the traditionally leading parties of the European conservatives (European people's party) and socialists (Party of European socialists), on the one hand, and the other parties (Liberals, Greens, Communists, etc.), which traditionally play a secondary role, on the other. The results of the so-called eurosceptic parties, which in recent years have significantly increased their influence both at the European and national levels, are analyzed. It shows how the election results affected the distribution of leadership positions in the European Parliament itself, as well as their impact on the formation of the new composition of the European Commission. The article examines how the mechanism of interaction between the European Parliament and the European Council has changed during the formation of the European Commission and what impact these changes have on the prospects for future interaction between these institutions. In conclusion, the prospects for further development of the European Union are outlined, including the need to reform its political and socio-economic systems.


Subject The European elections in Poland. Significance In the past few months, each of Poland’s political forces has striven to create a momentum of successive election success for the 2019-20 election cycle. In the aftermath of the European Parliament (EP) elections, it seems only the governing Law and Justice (PiS) party has succeeded in doing so. Impacts If PiS wins the Sejm elections with a sufficiently large majority, it will begin preparing to change the constitution. Emboldened by the election result, PiS will now seek to take over private media outlets under the slogan of ‘repolonisation’. Despite increased spending commitments, the government expects the 2019 budget deficit to remain relatively low at 1.7% of GDP.


Subject European Parliament elections. Significance Opinion polls suggest the European elections, which are due to take place across the EU from May 23-26, will produce a European Parliament (EP) that is more fragmented than ever before. That will make it harder for the EU to push through some important policy priorities, from climate change to immigration. Impacts EP election results could have a significant impact on future government relations in Italy and Germany. Despite the rise of LREM, France is set to have a diminished role in the next EP if the Republican and Socialist parties perform badly. The necessity of ad-hoc coalitions for specific policy proposals will increase. Significant gains for the UK Brexit Party could have a decisive influence on the Conservative and Labour party’s Brexit strategy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 322-337
Author(s):  
François Foret

This chapter discusses the salience, relevance, and effects of religion at the European Parliament (EP) across a range of issues. These are: the allocation of power (religion and European elections); the profile of political elites (members of the EP and religion); the structuring of political forces (religion and party politics, using the example of Christian democracy); and religion and public policy (with cases studies of identity politics and counter-radicalization). The chapter concludes that, when dealing with religion, the EP mirrors what happens in European societies more generally in terms of the secularization and culturalization of faith. The EP also duplicates a frequently found feature of EU policy making: that is, to hollow out the normative and controversial content from religion and to address the topic through the repertoire of human rights, while respecting the national diversity of Member States.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 134-143
Author(s):  
ARMEN GHAZARYAN

The article touches upon the issue of the application of the political and societal discourse on the issues of migration and eurosceptocisim in the context of the European Parliament elections of 2014. The wide use of the mentioned discourse and argumentation connected with migration was particularly exploited by far right parties. Three specific methods of the application of this discourse have been discussed: depicting migration as a sourse of “threat” and fear, as a source of islamophobia and exlopiting the fact that the discourse was often alienated from socio–economic and political realities. Some parallels have been drawn with the discourse on migration in Armenia. Key words – migration, political discourse, societal discourse, European parliament, European elections, far–right parties, populism, islamophobia, euroscepticism.


Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton

This chapter uses the cleavage positions of Candidates to the European Parliament (CEPs) to as representative of their parties’ political positions. Three surveys of CEPs track the evolution of party supply in European party systems. In 1979 parties were primarily aligned along a Left–Right economic cleavage. Gradually new left and Green parties began to compete in elections and crystallized and represented liberal cultural policies. In recent decades new far-right parties arose to represent culturally conservative positions. The cross-cutting cultural cleavage has also prompted many of the established parties to alter their policy positions. In most multiparty systems, political parties now compete in a fully populated two-dimensional space. This increases the supply of policy choices for the voters. The analyses are based on the Candidates to the European Parliament Studies in 1979, 1994, and 2009.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.


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