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Significance His new government, which took a record 271 days to form, is a reiteration of the previous four-party coalition involving Rutte's centre-right People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), the centrist liberals of Democrats 66 (D66) and two Christian democratic parties, the Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA) and the more conservative Christian Union (CU). The coalition deal promises a significant shift away from the austerity policies of previous governments. Impacts The collective rise of the far-right vote means the far right will continue to worry centrist parties and thus influence government policy. Higher structural spending in education should improve medium-to-long-term productivity development and output. The government promises to strengthen cyber capabilities in order to crack down on intellectual property theft.


Upravlenie ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 121-138
Author(s):  
A. D. Lisenkova

The subject of the study is the involvement of political parties in multi-level environmental governance in the European Union, using Germany and its federal states as an example. This article describes the theoretical and practical foundations of multi-level governance. The place of European parties and their national member parties from Germany in the institutional system and decision-making process of environmental policy has been defined. For practical illustration, the climate policy guidelines of Germany’s main national parties (the Christian Democratic Union of Germany and the Christian Social Union in Bavaria, the Social Democratic Party of Germany, the Alternative for Germany, the Free Democratic Party of Germany, the Left and the Alliance 90 / The Greens) and their European affiliations (the European People’s Party, the Party of the European Socialists, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, the European Green Party and the Party of European Left) were compared with an emphasis on the new targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. The unique opportunity for parties to participate in environmental policymaking at all key levels, which is not limited to parliamentary institutions has been highlighted. Appointments to environmental positions at different levels often correlate with membership of the most environmentally oriented parties, although the level of environmental involvement may differ between national parties and their European affiliations. Among other things, this has to do with participation in governing coalitions and dependence on a senior partner in them, as shown by the examples of the Bundestag and the Landtag of Baden-Württemberg. The final decision depends heavily on the unity of the coalition at federal and state level, whereas in the European Parliament there is a great differentiation of opinions, which allows even the most influential European People’s Party to be blocked from voting.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 32-40
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov ◽  

The article analyzes the results of cooperation between two leading pan-European political organizations – the European People’s Party (EPP) and the Party of European Socialists (PES) with their counterparts in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine), except Azerbaijan. It is considered with which political forces and why the EPP and the PES have established interaction and even accepted them into their membership. The profiles of these political organizations were studied, including the results of their participation in the national parliamentary and presidential elections and interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of ruling coalitions. Information is provided on when these parties joined, respectively, the EPP and the PES, and what status they have today in these European structures. The main provisions of the resolutions of the governing bodies of the EPN and the PES concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program and the support of their partner parties in these countries are presented. It shows how the foreign policy course of the Eastern Partnership member countries changed after political organizations that closely cooperate with their European counterparts came to power. It is noted that in almost all of these countries there has recently been a steady desire to strengthen political and economic partnership with the European Union and Western countries in general. And only one country. Georgia is still trying to maintain a balance in relations with Western countries and Russia. Key words: European parties, party system, Eastern Partnership program, elections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 139-146
Author(s):  
Vladimir Schweitzer ◽  

The article focuses on the political biography of Sebastian Kurz, who held the post of Federal Chancellor of Austria till autumn of 2021. He is being accused of abuse of power in order to achieve political goals. In Europe Kurz was considered to be one of the most promising politics, who came all the way to the top over the decade – a stellar career path, which would require entire political lifetimes for others to cross. Without higher education degree he over the few years rose from the position of a mere activist of youth movement of Austrian’s People’s Party to the role of the party leader. At the age of 27 he took up the post of Foreign Minister, and aged 31 he reached the top of the national politic as the Federal Austrian Chancellor. During the second decade of the XXI century Kurz used to be one of the interlocutors of the European and world leaders and one of the main officials in EU.


Author(s):  
Keemya V. Orlova ◽  

Introduction. In 2021, Russia and Mongolia are celebrating the 100th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations. In fact, this year is remarkable for a number of anniversaries: the 100th anniversary of the formation of the Mongolian People’s Party, the first political party in Mongolia; the 100th anniversary of the national democratic revolution; the 100th anniversary of the organization of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Army; the 100th anniversary of the Scientific Committee, which served as the prototype of the Mongolian Academy of Sciences; the 60th anniversary of the UN membership of Mongolian People’s Republic; and the 40th anniversary of the joint space flight of the Russian-Mongolian space crew. These anniversaries are closely related to a significant event in the history of the two countries — the Agreement between the Government of the RSFSR and the People’s Government of Mongolia on the establishment of friendly relations signed on 5 November 1921, which laid the legal basis for bilateral relations. It is certainly beyond the scope of this article to cover every significant and remarkable event and date in Soviet / Russian-Mongolian relations, but it intends to highlight the most important events in Russian-Mongolian relations in the 20th and early 21st centuries. The article aims to focus on the principal stages and most important dates and events, as well as to underline the role and relevance of the documents of key importance in the history of these relations. Materials. The study is based on archival records, published materials, and scientific literature. Conclusions. Over the past century, the relations between the countries, whose histories are full of dramatic events (revolutionary upheavals, World War II, the collapse of the Soviet Union), have seen both high and low points: friendship and special relations of allies, which changed to a certain degree of distancing from each other; then, rejection of the previous ideologized attitudes and renewal of traditional cooperation, leading to a current comprehensive strategic partnership. However, there has always been an understanding that there is a special closeness of the countries for historical, geopolitical, and cultural factors in play. A hundred years is a sufficiently long period to conclude that the key principles of Russian-Mongolian relations established by the 1921 Agreement have stood the test of time. Presently, there is a new stage to these relations based on both parties’ interests in promoting their comprehensive strategic partnership.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (6(75)) ◽  
pp. 119-142
Author(s):  
Ryszard Żelichowski

Politics in the Shadow of COVID-19: Parliamentary Election in the Kingdom of the Netherlands On March 15-17, 2021, the first parliamentary elections in the European Union during the pandemic took place in the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The political authorities of the Kingdom of the Netherlands decided to hold the elections despite severe sanitary restrictions and curfew. On January 15, 2021, the outgoing Prime Minister Mark Rutte, chairman of the People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), handed over the resignation of the entire government to the King. The immediate cause was the report of the parliamentary investigative commission announced in December 2020 on the extremely restrictive operation of local tax offices in connection with government child benefits. Mark Rutte has been running the country efficiently since 2010 and was also a favorite in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The elections were conducted without any disturbances. 37 parties were admitted to elections, the largest number in the post-war history of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The election winners were ruling party VVD party and progressive liberals from D’66. The discussion on the formation of the new government has already started and is accompanied by great emotions. It is going to be a long period of negotiations and their results are difficult to be predicted. The article presents the main actors of this parliamentary game.


Significance However, as opinion polls show that contending left- and right-wing party blocs are closer in terms of voting intentions, the government's performance and ability to collaborate with smaller parties remain key to the left’s ability to return for another term in office. Impacts Tight electoral competition between left and right points to a couple of years of political uncertainty for international investors. In the event of an early election, the most plausible scenario is a coalition of the centre-right People's Party and far-right Vox. The People's Party’s move further to the right could open space for the liberal Ciudadanos party to reclaim centrist support.


Significance He said Hun Manet would have to be elected to the post. The next general election is due in 2023. Hun Manet is currently deputy commander-in-chief of the armed forces and part of the main decision-making body of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), which holds all 125 seats in parliament. Impacts A potential denial of US tariff benefits over alleged human rights abuses would be damaging to exports. Concerns over the viability of the garment industry could prompt an anti-government backlash from low-income workers. Beijing may increasingly prefer to give financial support through loans rather than aid and investment.


ATLAS JOURNAL ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (45) ◽  
pp. 2309-2325
Author(s):  
Ahmet Kerem YILMAZ

The objective of this article is to explain the gender regime that dominates two district youth organizations (Bakırköy and Üsküdar Branches) of the Republican People’s Party (CHP), and thus, to assert whether an organizational structure and functioning based on the principle of gender equality exist in these organizations. To begin with, relations between the “civil feminism” represented by women’s movement that gained momentum in the early years of the Republic, first under the leadership of the Women People’s Party and then, under the leadership of the Turkish Women’s Union and the “state feminism” that emerged as a consequence of the Republican People’s Party’s will to represent the whole society, are discussed and it is tried to be summarized the historical development of the “gender-blindness” and gender inequality related to it, which emerged as a result of the Republican People’s Party’s rulers’ seeing the “woman problem” and “gender inequality” as problems within the scope of national development, westernization, modernization projects since its establishment. Subsequently, the most important data of the field work conducted within the scope of the master’s thesis, which is the basis of this article, is analyzed. The gender regime of the two district youth organizations is interpreted in the axis of following 5 main reproductive elements: Gender-based task sharing, members’ gender equality perceptions and discourses, actions and activities aimed at these issues, their discourses on sex quota and perceptions of feminism allegedly perpetuated under a certain influence of the ominous historical relations between left movements and feminist movements. Keywords: Republican People’s Party, Republican People’s Party’s Youth Section, Gender Inequality, Gender-Blindness


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