scholarly journals “Do not deem the measures taken as violence...”: public charity and governance in Transbaikal during the political regime of the ataman G. Semenov

2021 ◽  
pp. 60-89
Author(s):  
Elena Sevostyanova ◽  
Olesya Ul'yanova
Keyword(s):  
Living Standards ◽  
Psychological State ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Methodological Principle ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Functional Relationships ◽  
Habitual Activity ◽  
Psychological Pressure ◽  
The Military

The object of this research is the regional charity and its transformation after February 1917, while the subject is the public charity in Transbaikal during the Civil War and political regime of the ataman G. Semenov. The research relies on the archival sources and periodical press materials. Using the systematic methodological principle, the topic is viewed in strong correlation with the events that unfolded in the society, taking into account structural, genetic, and functional relationships. The article is divided into parts, each of which reflects one of the facets of the articulated problem: disastrous fall in living standards of the population, household difficulties and psychological state peculiarities; crisis of the system of state care and collapse of the imperial system of organized public charity; public initiatives in the sphere of charity (forms, main recipients); “techniques” for encouraging charity used by the administration of the ataman G. Semenov. The conclusion is made that charitable activity overall during the political regime of the ataman G. Semenov retained. This was important, particularly in the conditions of declining living standards and growing number of destitute people, given that the circle of those eligible for receiving welfare has reduced, including for ideological reasons. The main recipients of public charity remained the orphans. Charity events for the own benefit, conducted by the educational institutions and ethnic diasporas, became a noticeable trend. The charity evenings for supporting the military, which in the early going appeared to be unregulated by Semenov’s administration, were prohibited. The authorities, interested in retaining public charity, often resorted to coercive measures fort its stimulation, including threats to habitual activity of the residents. The population was actively forced to donate for the army. The article reveals the methods of psychological pressure and coercion applied to population for participating in charity activities.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

State-run celebration of Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia (based on audiovisual sources)

2019 ◽  
pp. 251-268
Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

scholarly journals PEOPLE, CULTURE AND CIVILIZATION

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-43
Author(s):  
Luís Guilherme Nascimento de Araujo ◽  
Claudio Everaldo Dos Santos ◽  
Elizabeth Fontoura Dorneles ◽  
Ionathan Junges ◽  
Nariel Diotto ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Resistance Movements ◽  
Brazilian Society ◽  
The Press ◽  
Politics And Culture ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Military

The political and economic crises faced today, evidenced by the manifestos of political parties and the texts published in social networks and in the press, point to Brazilian society the possibility of different directions, including that of an autocratic regime, with the return of the military to the public sphere. This article discusses the movements of acceptance and resistance to the military regime that was implemented in Brazil with the coup of 1964. It is observed that the military uprising received at that time the support of a large part of the Brazilian population, which sought ways to maintain its socioeconomic status to the detriment of a majority that perceived itself vulnerable in view of the forms of maintenance and expansion of power used by the regime. In this context, Tropicalism emerges as an example of a contesting movement. This text approaches the song "Culture and civilization" by Gilberto Gil, performed by Gal Costa, relating the ideas present in this composition with the understandings of politics and culture, in a multidisciplinary proposal, seeking to understand the resistance and counter-resistance movements that emerged in Brazil at the time.

EL ORDEN POLáTICO SEGÚN LA DICTADURA CáVICO-MILITAR ARGENTINA 1976-1983

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (16) ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTA PHILP
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Core ◽  
Central Task ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Military

Resumen: En el trabajo se analizan las intervenciones de los militares que gobernaron la Argentina  durante la dictadura cá­vico-militar en Argentina en el perá­odo 1976-1983, destinadas a lograr una  tarea central de todo régimen polá­tico: la justificación del poder. A partir de la exclusión de la  polá­tica, declamada pero no practicada, se apropiaron de distintos escenarios para construir maneras  de definir el orden polá­tico, nombrado como democracia sustancial, democracia de los mejores en  oposición a la demagogia, causa de su nueva irrupción en la historia polá­tica argentina el 24 de  marzo de 1976. La imperiosa necesidad de concluir con esta democracia desvirtuada era presentada  como eje de su tarea central: reorganizar la nación, tarea que originó su autodenominación como  ”Proceso de Reorganización Nacional”. Esta reconstrucción de los esfuerzos de los militares en el  poder para legitimar su accionar pretende aportar a la comprensión y explicación de las rupturas  institucionales en América Latina, seguidas de la instauración de gobiernos autoritarios.Palabras clave: Dictadura cá­vico-militar, Justificación del poder, Orden polá­tico.  THE POLITICAL ORDER ACCORDING TO THE ARGENTINE CIVIC-MILITARY DICTATORSHIP 1976-1983Abstract: The paper discusses the interventions by the military which ruled the Argentina during  the military dictatorship in Argentina during the 1976-1983, aimed at achieving a central task of any  political regime: the justification of power. From the exclusion of the policy, recited but not  practiced, they appropriated various scenarios to build ways to define the political order, named as  substantial democracy, democracy of the best as opposed to demagoguery, cause of the new  outbreak in Argentine political history on March 24, 1976. The urgent need to conclude with this  democracy undermined was presented as the core of its central task: reorganizing the nation, task  which originated its self-designation as "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional". This reconstruction  of the efforts of the military power to legitimize their actions intended to contribute to the  understanding and explanation of institutional ruptures in Latin America, followed by the  establishment of authoritarian governments.Keyswords: Civic-military dictatorship, Justification of the power, Political order.

Mobilising Yoruba Popular Culture: Babangida Must Go

Africa ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Haynes
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Distribution System ◽  
Music Videos ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poetic Form ◽  
Print Journalism ◽  
Video Distribution ◽  
The Military

AbstractNigerian video films are often characterised as apolitical. A rare and significant exception is Gbenga Adewusi's Maradona (also known as Babangida Must Go), which was released in 1993 in response to the annulment of the 12 June 1993 presidential election by the military ruler Ibrahim Babangida. The film is a fierce denunciation of the annulment and of the whole political regime, employing a number of Yoruba and transnational cultural forms: the chanted poetic form ewi, skits by artists from the Yoruba travelling theatre tradition, the televisual forms of music videos, news broadcasting and call-in shows, and the resources of print journalism. This film demonstrates the political potential of the video film, but also the limitations of the video distribution system.

Religiosity and Political Attitudes in Turkey during the AKP Era

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Erdem Aytaç
Keyword(s):  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Positive Approach ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Role ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time

This chapter examines the relationship between religiosity and political attitudes in Turkey during the incumbency of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). There were several restrictions on the public role and visibility of Islam in Turkey when the AKP came to power in 2002, and the party gradually lifted these restrictions over time. Did this change in the state’s policies and approach toward religion affect the political attitudes of devout Muslims? Analyses of a series of nationally representative surveys spanning the period 2002–2018 highlight that the AKP governments’ positive approach to Islamic religiosity in public life led to a rapprochement of devout Muslims with the political regime. There is no evidence that this rapprochement has been accompanied by a more pluralistic understanding of democracy, however, as more religious individuals tend to hold more populist attitudes than less religious ones.

scholarly journals Where are we in the question of identity: Jordanian youth as a model

2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Safwat Al-Rousan ◽  
Mohammed Al-Rousan ◽  
Yousef Al-Shurman
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Public Sector ◽  
Field Studies ◽  
Statistical Analyses ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Social Field ◽  
The Public

<p>This study aimed at investigating the concept of national identity and its constituents as perceived by Jordanian youth. Its main question is about the identity we have nowadays. The study sought to understand and analyze the concept of identity and its subjective and objective constituents through the identification of the perceptions of Jordanian youth of the identity by realizing its constituents, following the approach of social field studies and through some simple statistical analyses based on a sample which consisted of (250) young university people. They were asked about national identity and its most prominent constituents through the method of international sample. After analyzing the results, the study concluded the following:</p> <p><strong>First</strong>:   Jordanian youth consider identity as the perception of membership to both Jordan and the tribe and devotion to the political regime as being the protector of this identity and its connection with their living place and way of upbringing.</p> <p><strong>Second</strong>: The most prominent constituent of identity is the regional dimension with (62%), followed by the national dimension (21%), and finally the religions dimension (17%).</p> <p><strong>Third</strong>: The study concluded the result that there is confusion among Jordanian youth in regard to the constituents of identity, its local and national concept and the degree of perception.</p> <p>The study recommended the necessity for the preparation of joint programs between the public sector and the institutions of civil society in order to create common distributors within the Jordanian collective sensation for one identity that reinforces membership to both society and identity simultaneously.</p>

Military parade in Mali: understanding Malian politics through spectacle

2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-235
Author(s):  
Alioune Sow
Keyword(s):  
50Th Anniversary ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Field Observations ◽  
African Continent ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
Political Transitions ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Military

AbstractThis essay argues that the Independence Day's military parade in Mali has become a strategic site to negotiate fragile military and civil relations, and a repository to promote social change through the military experience. Drawing on field observations of the parade of the 50th anniversary of Independence in Bamako and the literature on political transitions, this essay demonstrates that military parades constitute meaningful sites for alternative engagements with democratic transitions. It examines the tactics and mechanisms deployed by the Malian national army to negotiate past human rights violations and authoritarian practices, as well as to seek the army's rehabilitation following the collapse of the military regime. By analysing military parades as a form and practice consolidating the ‘social contract’ between the army and the public after the political transition, this article contributes to the scholarship on transition and the study of military parades within the African continent.

scholarly journals Bunda

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-57
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Garcia Boscatti
Keyword(s):  
Visual Culture ◽  
Mass Culture ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Tourism ◽  
National Body ◽  
New Models ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City ◽  
Regulatory Models

This research aims to understand the process that led to the consecration of the butt as a cultural product at a time when the mass culture in Brazil was expanding and the military-corporate dictatorship consolidated the political regime of heterosexuality. The transformations in the visibility status of the city of Rio de Janeiro, which followed the strengthening of mass tourism, allowed that the female body incarnated in a carioca incorporated new models of Brazilianness. In this context, the butt emerged as a possible sign as well as an agent of history, since it mediated an economy of gender, race, class, and sexuality that circulated through consumption. This visual economy favored new biopolitical models that negotiated the evolution of national “nature” through the perfect body. In this sense, this article seeks to map out regulatory models and to expose the structures of power and knowledge that sought to produce regimes of truth about the national body. Supported by elements of mass culture (goods, images, services, etc.) this work investigates the ways through which the butt was co-opted by power as a part of Brazilian visual culture, supporting the global commercialization of Brazilian bioesthetics.

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