scholarly journals Confianza en la comunicación de la pandemia. Percepciones de los ciudadanos españoles de la gestión gubernamental de la información sobre la Covid-19

Author(s):  
Carlos Arcila-Calderón ◽  
David Blanco-Herrero ◽  
Martín Oller-Alonso

There is global concern regarding how the Covid-19 pandemic was communicated to citizens, given the enormous amount of uncertainty and misinformation surrounding the health situation (Singh et al., 2020). As expected, the government has been the main source of official information in most countries, but the crisis has also affected political communication models and the management of crisis communication and misinformation. In this scenario, the level of trust in the government and political polarization have become crucial variables to understand how citizens perceive and receive communicate about the effects of the pandemic in their daily life. To address these issues in the case of Spain, in November 2020 we conducted the first nationally representative survey to analyze the level of trust that citizens have in public information on Covid-19 provided by the national government. The findings reveal that their perceptions regarding the quality of such information, the media used for its transmission, and the communication management by the Government during the pandemic were rather negative, although some sociodemographic differences are observed. This study, besides broadening knowledge about government communication during the pandemic in Spain, opens new questions such as the effect of trust in government communication on the level of compliance and agreement with health measures. Resumen Existe una preocupación mundial sobre cómo se transmitió o comunicó la pandemia de la Covid-19 a los ciudadanos, dada la enorme incertidumbre y desinformación en torno a la emergencia sanitaria (Singh et al., 2020). Como era de esperar, el Gobierno ha sido la principal fuente de información oficial en la mayoría de los países, pero a su vez esto ha afectado los modelos de comunicación política, la gestión comunicacional de la crisis y la desinformación. En este escenario, el nivel de confianza en el gobierno y la polarización política se han convertido en variables cruciales para entender cómo los ciudadanos perciben y comunican los efectos de la pandemia en su vida diaria. Para abordar estas cuestiones en el caso de España, en noviembre de 2020 realizamos la primera encuesta representativa nacional para analizar el nivel de confianza de la ciudadanía hacia la información pública de la Covid-19 dada por el Gobierno nacional. Nuestros hallazgos revelaron que la percepción sobre la calidad de la información, de los medios utilizados para su transmisión y de la gestión comunicacional del Gobierno durante la pandemia fue más bien negativa, aunque se observaron algunas diferencias sociodemográficas. Este estudio, además de ampliar el conocimiento sobre la comunicación gubernamental durante la pandemia en España, abre nuevos interrogantes, como el efecto de la confianza en la comunicación gubernamental en el nivel de cumplimiento y acuerdo con las medidas sanitarias.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Florencio-Jesús García-Latorre ◽  
Carlos Aibar-Remón ◽  
Maite Gobantes-Bilbao

Resumen: Introducción: La publicación de notas de prensa es una práctica habitual de los gabinetes de comunicación de los Departamentos de Salud autonómicos mediante la que ofrecen información relevante para un mejor conocimiento y utilización del sistema, la difusión de sus actividades y la rendición de cuentas. Objetivo: Analizar las características de los comunicados de prensa emitidos por la Dirección de Comunicación del Gobierno de Aragón y verificar el grado en que los temas tratados en estas informaciones obtienen visibilidad en los medios impresos. Material y método: Revisión de las notas de prensa de contenido sanitario durante un año y comprobación de si los temas propuestos han sido llevados a las páginas de los dos periódicos de ámbito autonómico de la comunidad. Resultados: Se encontraron 190 notas de prensa, generalmente centradas en aspectos de la gestión sanitaria. Un 43% no obtuvieron reflejo en la prensa. Entre los dos medios estudiados se observa una concordancia moderada en cuanto a los temas publicados. Conclusiones: La comunicación institucional puede ser considerada un tipo de comunicación política, con unas características particulares, que es filtrada y contrapesada por los medios dentro de su labor de control de las instituciones públicas.Palabras clave: Salud, Comunicación institucional, Notas de prensa, PrensaAbstract: Introduction: The publication of press releases is a common practice of press offices of the Regional Departments of Health to offer relevant information for a better knowledge and use of the health system, to publicize their activities and for accountability purposes. Objective: To analyze some features of the press releases issued by the Directorate of Communication of the Government of Aragon and also verify the extent to which the subjects covered in these informations obtain visibility in the print media. Material and method: A review of the health-related press releases during one year was carried out; we also checked whether the proposed issues were brought to the pages of the two regional newspapers. Results: 190 press releases were found, mainly focused on aspects of health management. 43% of those reports were not mentioned in the newspapers. Between the two dailies studied, a moderate level of agreement in the selection of the subjects that were translated into news was observed. Conclusions: Institutional communication can be considered a type of political communication, with particular features, that is filtered and counterbalanced by the media, given that one of its tasks is the monitoring and control of the performance of public institutions.Keywords: Health, Institutional communication, Press releases, Press 


2020 ◽  
pp. 194016122092502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Ines Langer ◽  
Johannes B. Gruber

This article examines the roles of the media in the process of political agenda setting. There is a long tradition of studies on this topic, but they have mostly focused on legacy news media, thus overlooking the role of other actors and the complex hybrid dynamics that characterize contemporary political communication. In contrast, through an in-depth case study using mixed-methods and multiplatform data, this article provides a detailed analysis of the roles and interactions between different types of media and how they were used by political and advocacy elites. It explores what happened in the different parts of the system, and thus the paths to attention that led to setting this issue in the political and media agendas. The analysis of the case, a partial policy reversal in the United Kingdom provoked by an immigration scandal known as the “Windrush scandal” reveals that the issue was pushed into the agenda by a campaign assemblage of investigative journalism, political and advocacy elites, and digitally enabled leaders. The legacy news media came late but were crucial. They greatly amplified the salience of the issue and, once in “storm mode,” they were key for sustaining attention and pressure, eventually compelling the government to respond. It shows that they often remain at the core of the “national conversation” and certainly in the eye of a media storm. In the contemporary context, characterized by fierce battles for attention, shortening attention spans and fractured audiences, this is key and has important implications for agenda setting and beyond.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Malachy Ryan

Keywords: Agenda Setting, Informational Politics, Frames Analysis, Network Theory, Political Communication, Policy Formation This dissertation examines the contemporary relationship between agenda setting and frames analysis in Canadian federal politics from 2004-2011. The research project tests Savoie's thesis that the centralization of power has grown with the increasing size of the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) and that the leader of the office has most clearly exerted that power in controlling the government's agenda by applying it to the experience of minority government at the dawn of the 21st century. To test his thesis, textual analyses of the PMO's agenda-setting documents were conducted to identify the key language, frames, and controlled policy announcements that were reflected within the political discourse. How does the discourse represent and reflect the shift in power in a dramatically changed political environment when, at least in theory, a minority government would be at the mercy of opposition parties who hold the balance of power? From 2006 to 2011, the Harper Conservatives stayed in power by cleverly manipulating the agenda through framing and reframing issues to their advantage. The prime minister retained the final executive decision on party and government political communications and was, therefore, the leading arbiter of the messages delivered to represent key party agenda-setting strategies. Harper has often been identified as a shrewd strategist by academics and the media alike, but how different were his agenda-setting techniques compared to previous minority government strategies? This research identifies the communication tactics that the PMO used in 2006 to ensure its unique five key policy frames of “accountability”, “child care tax credits”, “cutting the GST”, “patient wait time guarantees”, and “tough on crime” were consistently delivered and coordinated across media in their platforms, websites, speeches, and outlays. The Harper Conservatives’ new strategies included narrowing agendas, promoting wedge issues, priming voters using distracter frames, and using strict media communication protocols to attract popular support from the key segment of middle class families. Using these tactics, the government set the agenda on the dismantling of the firearms registry, framed the skills and motivations of two opposition leaders as ineffective and weak with attack advertisements, and sold the illusion that coalition governments were undemocratic.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirsten Kozolanka

Abstract: This paper examines the key legitimating role of communication and the media, and the role of taming-labour, in constructing the Ontario neo-liberal hegemonic project in 1995. Media-content analysis and examination of the communication strategies of the Ontario government in the 1996 public-service strike show that the government relied on constructing the perception of a hegemonic crisis and framing labour as oppositional to the public interest of resolving the crisis. The government’s general strategy of quick-attack communications offensives curtailed media and opposition scrutiny, increasing the likelihood of policy success and media dependence on its framing of issues. A strong challenge to the government led by labour and social justice groups failed in the face of state public relations, media silence, and internal dissension. Examination of a second strike in 2002 suggests that even without a crisis, the government continued its attack on labour. Résumé : Cet article examine le rôle clé de légitimation joué par les communications et les médias, ainsi que les efforts déployés pour calmer la main-d’œuvre, lors de l’exécution d’un projet hégémonique néo-libéral en Ontario en 1995. Une analyse de contenu médiatique et l’examen des stratégies communicationnelles du gouvernement ontarien lors de la grève du service public en 1996 montrent que le gouvernement a tenté de faire croire à une crise hégémonique et a suggéré que la main-d’œuvre s’opposait à l’intérêt public en entravant la résolution de la crise. La stratégie du gouvernement, qui consistait en de rapides attaques communicationnelles, a empêché l’opposition et les médias de faire leur travail, augmentant à la fois la dépendance que les médias avaient de la version gouvernementale des faits, et ainsi augmentant les chances de succès du gouvernement. Des groupes de main-d’œuvre et de justice sociale se sont fortement opposés au gouvernement, mais ont échoué face à la campagne de relations publiques de l’État, au silence des médias et à cause de différends internes. L’examen d’une seconde grève en 2002 suggère que, même sans crise, le gouvernement a continué à attaquer la main-d’œuvre syndiquée.


2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Izabela Kisić

For over a decade media legislation, controversial as it was, has been a matter of controversy in Serbia. It was only in 2011 that a newly adopted media strategy developed by European Union and Council of Europe criteria hinted at change for the better as it envisaged the amendment of the entire media legislation (about 18 laws). Consequently, three new laws were passed in 2014: on public information and the media; on broadcast media; and, on public broadcasting service. Ten laws are still pending – either to be amended or adopted. After the change of the regime in 2000, the media legislation was changed but not in line with a democratic value system. This specially refers to media freedoms. Repression against the media characteristic of the 1990s was replaced by “soft censorship” and self-censorship. Serbia’s media market is small and underdeveloped, and under strong influence of the government. The adopted strategy provides against state ownership of the media except in the case of the two public broadcasting services. Media outlets, especially electronic, are too many for such a limited media market; the state has a hand in media businesses in many ways, including subsidies and paid advertisements for large public enterprises. Non-transparent media ownership and money flow are among key problems of media transition.


REPRESENTAMEN ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siti Fatimah ◽  
Noorshanti Sumarah ◽  
Hamim Hamim

This research is motivated by the role of public relations in the Surabaya City Governmentmedia relations activities as a means of communication with the public. Part of Surabaya citygovernment public relations in the field of information has a duty as a bridge of communication andinformation between the Government of the city of Surabaya with the community. This study aims todescribe the communication activities conducted by the Government public relations city of Surabayain superior Service and information embodies quality, improve information channels and aspiration.The theory is the theory of communication and public information Model theory Harold Lasswell.Research methods used in this research was qualitative research with type a descriptive. Thetechnique of collecting data through observation, in-depth interviews and documentation. Researchresults find communication activity conducted in Surabaya city government public relation Activitiesthe management of Media Relations as a means of communication to the public using a one-waycommunication, where is Surabaya city government public relations role as journalists indisseminating information to the public, and controls the news or information to mass media.In application of Surabaya City Government Public Relations are already maximizing the duties andfunctions of Public Relations Surabaya City Government in achieving and maintaining excellentservice and quality information, and to improve information channels and public aspirations, andmaintain harmonious relations with the media and the public.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (5) ◽  
pp. 626-646 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brooke Fisher Liu ◽  
Julia Daisy Fraustino ◽  
Yan Jin

This study provides insights that can inform disaster communication management, policymaking, and theory building through a nationally representative field experiment ( N = 2,015 U.S. adults) grounded in media richness theory, information and communication technologies (ICTs) succession theory, and the social-mediated crisis communication (SMCC) model. Key findings include the following: (1) Significant main effects of disaster information source were detected on how likely participants were to seek further disaster information from TV, local government websites, and federal government websites; (2) regardless of information form and source, participants reported strongest intentions to immediately communicate about the disaster predominately via offline interpersonal forms rather than through online organizational and personal forms; and (3) regardless of information source, participants reported strong intentions to evacuate if instructed to do so by the government. These findings call for developing crisis communication theory that is more focused on how publics communicate with each other rather than with organizations about disasters and predict a wider variety of crisis communication outcomes.


Author(s):  
Andrea Mariuzzo

This chapter defines the channels used to elaborate and disseminate propaganda, and reconstructs a history of the circuits and the most significant materials used to create and disseminate language. It places the press and propaganda sections of parties and mass associations in the more complex context of the media and communication agencies that participated in the making of Italian political identities, such as major political newspapers, publications and exhibitions promoted by the government and by foreign embassies, and the popular press.


Healthcare ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Tong Zhang ◽  
Li Yu

Accurate and effective government communication is essential for public health emergencies. To optimize the effectiveness of government crisis communication, this paper puts forward an analytical perspective of supply–demand matching based on the interaction between the government and the public. We investigate the stage characteristics and the topic evolutions of both government information supply and public information demand through combined statistical analysis, text mining, text coding and cluster analysis, using empirical data from the National Health Commission’s WeChat in China. A quantitative measure reflecting the public demand for government information supply is proposed. Result indicates that the government has provided a large amount of high-intensity epidemic-related information, with six major topics being the medical team, government actions, scientific protection knowledge, epidemic situation, high-level deployment and global cooperation. The public’s greatest information needs present different characteristics at different stages, with “scientific protection knowledge”, “government actions” and “medical teams” being the most needed in the outbreak stage, the control stage and the stable stage, respectively. The subject of oversupply is “medical team”, and the subject of short supply is “epidemic dynamics” and “science knowledge”. This paper provides important theoretical and practical value for improving the effectiveness of government communication in public health crises.


Author(s):  
S. Bulbeniuk ◽  
Yu. Maneliuk

The article examines the peculiarities of the formation of government policy in the field of information management under the influence of systemic challenges of recent years. Particular attention is paid to the role and place of civil society, in particular its network segment, in the relationship between the state and the media in the media market. The authors propose a rationale for information management and social capital of society as interrelated political and social phenomena. After all, the effective promotion of certain models of information management is possible under the conditions of attracting social capital to the mechanisms of political communication. At the same time, social capital as an exclusively group resource is both an object and a subject of information flows involved in the processes of political communication. The problem of mass media involvement is covered in two aspects. First, through the consideration of communication techniques. Secondly, it was found that in recent years the practice of forming qualitatively different models of mass media financing has become established. The article analyzes the prospects of diversification of mass media funding sources through public activist campaigns of donors and crowdfunding, in particular in Ukraine. In the domestic socio-political realities, according to the authors, it is worth talking more about attempts to introduce such a systemic practice. And this is not surprising, because the spread of donor and crowdfunding practices of the mass media is one of the indicators of the maturity of civil society. However, traditional and modern channels of interaction between the government and civil society in the field of information management can have unpredictable consequences, such as the threat of manipulative influences of different directions.


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