scholarly journals Internal Security Challenges in China

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 69-87
Author(s):  
János Gyula Kocsi ◽  
Ferenc Vukics
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Modern Life ◽  
Christian Community ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Regional Conflicts ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
Security Challenges

Our series of studies would like to draw attention to the fact that China, which has so far had considerable foreign policy experience, is also forging serious capital from dealing with its own internal conflicts. A diverse, high-spread country is testing the effectiveness of ‘soft power’ in its provinces. Without foreign policy adventures, these locations provided the Chinese Communist Party with adequate experience in resolving certain types of conflicts. Uyghur, Tibet, Inner Mongolia, Hong Kong, Macao embody archetypes of problems that pose a direct threat to the Chinese state. In addition to regional conflicts, we can also consider the problems of the Christian community of about one hundred million. Uyghur is an excellent example of how to achieve results along the fault lines of cultures and religions. The first part of the series of studies shows how Uyghurs with significant separatist traditions have been persuaded to make ‘modern life’ the same as accepting the Chinese order. Through the Uyghurs, China is learning how to refine its methods concerning Muslim countries in Central Asia.

The transformation of Turkish foreign policy: The rise of the trading state

2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 29-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kemal Kirişçi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Northern Iraq ◽  
Turkish Foreign Policy ◽  
Regional Conflicts ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Impact

AbstractRecently, Turkish foreign policy, compared to the 1990s, has manifested a number of puzzlements. They range from the rapprochement with Greece, the turnabout over Cyprus, mediation efforts involving a series of regional conflicts to a policy seeking an improvement in relations with Armenia and Kurds of Northern Iraq. These puzzlements have increasingly transformed Turkey from being cited as a “post-Cold War warrior” or a “regional coercive power” to a “benign” if not “soft” power. Academic literature has tried to account for these puzzlements and the accompanying transformation in Turkish foreign policy from a wide range of theoretical perspectives. This literature has undoubtedly enriched our understanding of what drives Turkish foreign policy. At the same time, this literature has not paid adequate attention to the role of economic factors shaping Turkish foreign policy as we approach the end of the first decade of the new century. This article aims to highlight this gap and at the same time offer a preliminary conceptual framework based on Richard Rosecrance's notion of the “trading state” and Robert Putnam's idea of “two-level diplomatic games” to explore the impact of economic considerations on Turkish foreign policy.

scholarly journals "NEO-OTTOMANISM" IN THE REGIONAL POLICY OF TURKEY

2016 ◽  
pp. 32-39
Author(s):  
E. T. Mehdiyev
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Regional Policy ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Regional Conflicts ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Opposition Movements

The article is devoted to the ideology of Turkey's foreign policy. The term "neo-Ottomanism" is increasingly used in recent years in relation to the Turkish foreign policy. The concept of neo-Ottomanism, which ideology is the Prime Minister Davutoglu, implies a relationship of foreign policy of modern Turkey with the historical heritage of the Ottomans and its focus on return "last Ottoman", taking into account today's realities. The author examines this phenomenon in the context of the regional policy of Turkey in this period. The main directions of the strategy of neo are the Middle East, North Africa, Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Crimea, and the Balkans. Particular attention is paid to manifestations of neo-Ottomanism in the post-Soviet region and the Middle East, as well as "soft power" strategy in the Turkish neo-Ottomanism. Activities of Ankara in the regions belonging to the sphere of its geopolitical interests is carried out on political, economic, religious, cultural and educational levels. Rapprochement with the political and business circles of influence of countries in the region is aimed at the formation of pro-Turkish lobby. "Arab Spring" has given Turkey a historic opportunity to realize its neo-Ottoman ambitions and create a new order in the Middle East. Turkey's rapprochement with the Islamic world during the 'Arab Spring' demonstrated that Ankara supported in conjunction with the Western nations protest and opposition movements in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, aims to demonstrate to the West the growth of its influence in the region. Mediation is used in regional conflicts Turkish leadership as an instrument of "soft power", with which Ankara aims to increase its international and regional credibility. The result of "neo-Ottoman" Turkey's policy in relations with Russia became a serious crisis in all spheres of cooperation. Strategic mistakes made by the head of the republic R. Erdogan in the settlement of the Syrian crisis, may lead to instability of the entire region. The author considers the possible directions of neo-Ottoman Turkey's policy in the studied regions in the near future.

scholarly journals German "Soft power" Policies in the Muslim World

2015 ◽  
pp. 144-151
Author(s):  
L. R. Rustamova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
German Society ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Active Player ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The One

In recent years, a number of foreign policy concepts declared the importance of using the instruments of "soft power" to promote the national interests of a country. Soft power is the ability through political values, culture and foreign policy to influence others by forming attractiveness [18]. Germany is generally recognized as the leader in the resources of "soft power." The article discusses what kind of resources are deployed by Germany to increase its "soft power" in the Muslim direction of foreign policy. The Muslim world has its own specifics, which complicate the use of instruments of "soft power." Countries with large Muslim population are difficult to influence, as they differ from Europe in the civilizational respect, have their own customs and traditions which they strictly follow because of the nature of Muslim religion. The author notes that in the Muslim direction of foreign policy the problem for Germany lies in the fact that the formation of its attractiveness resulted in a significant flow of immigration of Muslims in the country. A part of immigrant Muslims tries to live isolated from European society, professes radical currents ofIslam and participates in military conflicts abroad, participation in which in the role of active player is ruled out by Germany. Failure to integrate them into German society and the lack of progress in the formation of its positive image in the Muslim countries resulted, on the one hand, in the split of German society, on the other hand, in the threat of absorption by foreign civilization, as it is observed now in Germany the presence of "soft power" of Muslim countries, which use its former and current citizens to influence German political course. The article was written within the constructivist methodology, which consider the "soft power" as a way of construction of social reality with the use of tangible and intangible resources for the formation of an attractive image of Germany in world politics.

scholarly journals THE SPECIFICS OF THE POLITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF MUSLIM COUNTRIES

2020 ◽  
pp. 28-38
Author(s):  
Guzal Qodirova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Local Form ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Balance Of Forces ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the foreign policy of Muslim states, where the Islamic factor plays an important role in society. It is known that the religious factor manifests itself in different ways, depending on the historical heritage, culture and characteristics of the socio-political development of the country. At the same time, it has a significant impact on the foreign policy of all Muslim states. So, the Islamic factor is present both in the state foreign policy strategy and in the form of ideology promoted by non-state actors. In the state policy of Muslim countries, mainly the idea of promoting precisely “their” local form of Islam prevails. Its “soft power” after the Arab Spring has become an integral part of the new geopolitics, and even more than in the past, Muslim countries are trying to form and promote their image of a “moderate” version of Islam and adhere to it in their foreign policy. The author explores such non-state actors as, for example, the Muslim Brotherhood organization and the Islamic State (ISIS), which criticizes the existing regimes of Muslim states, casting doubt on their legitimacy. Thus, challenging existing regimes, not only in the traditional sense of power, but also in terms of religious legitimacy. Any claim of this kind is perceived by governments as an existential threat, as well as any alternative interpretations of Islam promoted at the regional or international level by other states. The article analyzes the escalation of armed confrontations and conflicts, the spread of which to neighboring countries shows that the process of geopolitical transformation is far from over, and a new balance of forces in the region has not yet been determined.

SIGNIFICANCE OF AFGHANISTAN IN INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 472-476
Author(s):  
Dr. Jayasree Nath
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Geographic Location ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Central Asian

Purpose of the study: The purpose of the study is to understand the importance of Afghanistan in India’s foreign policy. Being situated in the proximity of Pakistan and Central Asian countries, Afghanistan holds a strategic significance in India’s neighbourhood foreign policy. Since the earlier period of time, the geographic location has made Afghanistan involved in any development occurred in Central Asia and South Asia. Methodology: The study is interdisciplinary in nature. It is based on a comparative analysis of research methodology, comparing traditional and current relations between the nations. The study is empirical since it tries to explain the historical-cultural linkages of India and Afghanistan. The study also tries to investigate the obstacles furthering India’s relations with Afghanistan and beyond. The study involves both descriptive and qualitative analysis. The study is based on both primary and secondary sources. While books, articles and newspaper reports are secondary sources in the study, primary sources comprised of government sources like an annual report, other relevant reports of the Ministry of External Affairs, etc. Main Findings: India’s policy towards Afghanistan is the embodiment of the soft power approach with a long term goal. Energy security and regional security connected with internal security are the topmost priorities of New Delhi factoring the significance of Afghanistan in India’s neighbourhood foreign policy. Applications of this study: This study can be useful for understanding International relations covering areas of India-Afghanistan relations, the significance of Afghanistan in India’s foreign policy connecting with Central Asia and Iran. Novelty/Originality of this study: India’s strategic consideration factoring Afghanistan to connect Central Asia and Iran for energy security, regional and internal security. 

Parliament as the Foreign Policy Actor: the Resources of the Parliamentary Diplomacy

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 316-321
Author(s):  
Boris I. Ananyev ◽  
Daniil A. Parenkov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Security ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
Conservative Approach ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Policy Actor ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
Essential Idea ◽  
Per Se

The aim of the article is to show the role of parliament in the foreign policy within the framework of the conservative school of thought. The authors examine both Russian and Western traditions of conservatism and come to the conclusion that the essential idea of “the rule of the best” has turned to be one of the basic elements of the modern legislative body per se. What’s more, parliament, according to the conservative approach, tends to be the institution that represents the real spirit of the nation and national interests. Therefore the interaction of parliaments on the international arena appears to be the form of the organic communication between nations. Parliamentary diplomacy today is the tool that has the potential to address to the number of issues that are difficult to deal with within the framework of the traditional forms of IR: international security, challenges posed by new technologies, international sanctions and other.

The AKP’s Foreign Policy

2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-46
Author(s):  
Kubilay Arin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The West ◽  
Islamic Revival ◽  
Western State ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
Over Time

When Turkey’s Justice and Development Part (AKP) came to power in 2002, it brought a new strategy to foreign policy. Some scholars ascribed this reorientation to the rise of neo-Ottomanism, others to Islamization, and yet others to a Middle Easternization of foreign policy. All labels have one element in common: They give weight to Islam and Turkey’s imperial past as soft power assetsin the conduct of foreign policy by rejecting secular Kemalism in the country’s diplomacy. The AKP capitalized on Turgut Özal’s neo-Ottomanist foreign policy and Necmettin Erbakan’s multi-dimensional foreign policy by using Turkey’s pivotal geopolitical location to transform it into a global actor. The ongoing Islamic revival has caused the country’s attempted full westernization to slow down. But the West itself is hardly a monolithic bloc, given its own many internal cultural, linguistic,religious, political, and economic differences. I therefore describe Turkey as a “hybrid,” a modern and developing “semi-western” state, and argue that over time it will become ever more “socially conservative.”

Addressing threats: European foreign policy toward the Middle East since the European Security Strategy

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Hanau Santini
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Qualitative Change ◽  
External Action ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Security Strategy ◽  
Regional Conflicts ◽  
Security Discourse ◽  
European Security Strategy

This paper looks at the qualitative change in the foreign policy discourse by the European Union towards the Middle East, as well as the EU’s overall degree of consistency between words and deeds. By looking at European Council Conclusions as well as General Affairs Council conclusions, it will be argued that on a discursive level the Union has taken stock of the emergence of new threats to its security, and has started shifting its attention from state failure and regional conflicts to the threats posed by terrorism and non-conventional proliferation. Secondly, by differentiating among three kinds of coherence, it will be shown that the main source of incoherence in the Union external action in the Middle East is not to be found in its institutional or horizontal dimensions, but in its vertical level, that is between the Union and member states. Examples will be provided in order to substantiate an overall claim: the EU security discourse might have changed; its policies however remain driven by the difficult balancing exercise between Brussels and national capitals.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i2.184

Politics of Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Turkey: Limits and Prospects of Populism

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatih Resul Kılınç ◽  
Şule Toktaş
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Syrian Civil War ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Mass Influx ◽  
Asylum Seekers And Refugees ◽  
The Eu

This article addresses the international movement of asylum seekers and refugees, particularly Syrian immigrants, and their impact on populism in Turkish politics between 2011 and 2018. The article argues that populist politics/rhetoric directed against Syrians in Turkey remained limited during this period, especially from a comparative perspective. At a time when rising Islamophobia, extreme nationalism, and anti-immigrant sentiments led to rise of right-wing populism in Europe, populist platforms exploiting specifically migrants, asylum seekers, and the Syrians in Turkey failed to achieve a similar effect. The chapter identifies two reasons for this puzzling development even as the outbreak of the Syrian civil war triggered a mass influx of asylum seekers and irregular immigrants into Turkey. First, the article focuses on Turkey’s refugee deal with the EU in response to “Europe’s refugee crisis,” through which Turkey has extracted political and economic leverage. Next, the article sheds light on Turkey’s foreign policy making instruments that evolved around using the refugee situation as an instrument of soft power pursuant to its foreign policy identity. The article concludes with a discussion of the rise of anti-Syrian sentiments by 2019.

scholarly journals Hegemonic Distortions: The Securitisation of the Insurgency in Thailand's Deep South

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-232
Author(s):  
Nicole Jenne ◽  
Jun Yan Chang
Keyword(s):  
External Environment ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Deep South ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Current Period ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
Islamist Terrorism ◽  
Political Decisions

AbstractThe conflict between the Thai state and the Malay-Muslim insurgency in the country's Deep South is one of Southeast Asia's most persistent internal security challenges. The start of the current period of violence dates back to the early 2000s, and since then, a significant number of studies exploring the renewed escalation have been published. In this study, we argue that existing scholarship has not adequately accounted for the external environment in which political decisions were taken on how to deal with the southern insurgency. We seek to show how the internationally dominant, hegemonic security agenda of so-called non-traditional security (NTS) influenced the Thai government's approach to the conflict. Building upon the Copenhagen School's securitisation theory, we show how the insurgency became securitised under the dominant NTS narrative, leading to the adoption of harsh measures and alienating discourses that triggered the escalation of violence that continues today. The specific NTS frameworks that ‘distorted’ the Thai state's approach of one that had been informed solely by local facts and conditions were those of anti-narcotics and Islamist terrorism, albeit in different ways. Based on the findings from the case study, the article concludes with a reflection on the role of the hegemonic NTS agenda and its implications for Southeast Asian politics and scholarship.

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