internal security
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2022 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2110665
Author(s):  
Ayfer Genç Yılmaz

The civil-military relations literature on Turkey focuses predominantly on the guardianship role of the Turkish military, its interventions, and the role of the National Security Council as the main institutional mechanism of military tutelage. Yet, the existing studies lack a much-needed focus on the law enforcement or policing missions of the Turkish military. To fill this gap, this study discusses the EMASYA Protocol ( Emniyet Asayiş Yardımlaşma or Security and Public Order Assistance), a secret protocol signed in 1997. Emerging in the context of political instability and military tutelage of the 1990s, the Protocol enabled the military to conduct internal security operations without permission from the civilian authorities. This paper argues that the EMASYA Protocol provided a sphere of “reformulated new professionalism” for the Turkish military, enabled it to specialize in the war against rising internal threats such as reactionary Islam and Kurdish separatism, and created anomalies in civil-military relations in Turkey.


2021 ◽  
Vol IV (IV) ◽  
pp. 9-26
Author(s):  
Tomasz Kośmider ◽  
Jerzy Trocha

The article discusses the legal obligations of heads of units included in the register of areas, facilities and devices subject to mandatory protection in the voivodeship. The obligation of the head of the unit to provide physical or technical protection of an object. Significant items for state security with the use of internal security services or personal and property protection agencies – that is often criticized. However, it should be remembered that the cooperation of services, guards and inspections with the private sector is necessary to obtain an appropriate level of security. In addition, practical ways to ensure the safety of areas, facilities and devices subject to mandatory protection are also presented. The current technological development does not reduce the protection of the facility only to physical protection, allowing the use of modern technical security systems in order to support the activities of specialized employees of armed security formations. Due to the above, the authors described the operation of selected technical security systems in protected facilities.


2021 ◽  
Vol specjalny II (XXI) ◽  
pp. 401-415
Author(s):  
Jarosław Witkowski

In the present article the author discusses government employers of public servants on the example of certain acts. The aim of the present article is indication of government employers of public servants of Border Guard, Prison Service, Agency for Internal Security, Intelligence Agency, Marshal Service, Customs Service and Secret Service.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-22
Author(s):  
Jarosław Radosław Truchan

The author discusses the functions of the state, with particular emphasis on internal security. The article presents selected police and border guard international and national IT systems and their role in ensuring security. The article also contains information on modern innovative IT solutions supporting the command process and communication of the Polish Police with the public.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205015792110682
Author(s):  
Aya Yadlin ◽  
Avi Marciano

In March 2020, Israel passed emergency regulations authorizing its internal security agency to track citizens’ mobile phone geolocations in order to tackle the spread of COVID-19. This unprecedented surveillance enterprise attracted extensive media attention and sparked a vigorous public debate regarding technology and democratic values such as privacy, mobility, and control. This article examines press coverage of Israel’s surveillance of its citizens during the COVID-19 pandemic by four leading news sites to identify and map the frames that informed their reports. Based on a thematic analysis, our findings point to supportive and critical constructions of mobile phone location-tracking and organize them within two scapes: personal; and international. These attest to the collective imagining of intimacies and public life, respectively. We draw on the case study to articulate mobile phones as devices that reduce movement into manageable mapped information and individuals into controllable data. Mobile phone location-tracking during the COVID-19 pandemic is understood as turning mobility into order and control.


2021 ◽  
pp. 276-298
Author(s):  
Andrew Geddes

This chapter analyses the institutions of EU member state cooperation on issues such as asylum, refugee protection, migration, border controls, police cooperation, and judicial cooperation. Once seen as the prerogative of member states and as defining features of states’ identities as sovereign, complex incremental institutional change established new ways of working on internal security issues and reconfigured the strategic setting from which these issues are viewed. The recent history of these developments provides insight into the EU’s institutional and organizational development, while also demonstrating how, why, and with what effects these issues have become politicized in EU member states. The politicization of migration and asylum, in particular, complements this chapter’s focus on institutional developments by identifying the source of key pressures and strains to which these institutions have been exposed. The most recent COVID-19 pandemic restricting the free movement of people across Europe, the 2020 fire that broke out at the Moria refugee camp at Lesbos, and the European Commission’s ‘New Pact on Migration and Asylum’ of September 2020 raised serious questions about the content and viability of key components of the EU’s approach to security and human rights. From being a policy arena that was not even mentioned in the Treaty of Rome or Single European Act (SEA), internal security within an ‘area of freedom, security, and justice’ (AFSJ) is now a key EU priority. This chapter pinpoints key developments, specifies institutional roles, and explores the relationships over time between changing conceptualizations of security and institutional developments.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 405-428
Author(s):  
Ngboawaji Daniel Nte ◽  
Oluka Nduka Lucas ◽  
Ridwan Arifin

This study is a modest but objective comparative evaluation of internal security threats facing two sub-regional large countries of Africa and South Asia-Nigeria and Pakistan. Considering the fact that ethnicity, sectarianism and economic instability are fundamental variables of internal security threats in both countries, the study argued that religious extremism has created an unenviable image of both nations in the eyes of the rest of the world, undoubtedly, this has affected both nations adversely. The study also identified inter-regional grievances as potential causes of damages to both federations. Also identified is ethno-sectarian problem as a major security threat to both nations. This in the opinion of the authors will remain a huge impediment to the goals of economic prosperity to both nations. Consequently, the focus of this study is to examine interdependence of these multifaceted challenges and their overall impact on internal security in both countries. To achieve this, the study employed qualitative research method in which analytical approach was used to examine the similarities in the security challenges in Nigeria and Pakistan. Structural questionnaire was used as the instrument for data collection.  The employment of thematic analytic approach was adopted to analyse data collected for the study. The study concludes among others, the need for both countries to individually address these national security threats and find viable solutions to the problems of socio-economic and political reforms and unemployment within a reasonable timeframe to mitigate future threats.Keywords: Internal Security; Ethnicity; Sectarianism; Challenges Dua Bangsa Satu Tantangan: Analisis Politik dan Hukum pada Ancaman Keamanan dalam Negeri (Internal Security) di Nigeria dan PakistanAbstrak Penelitian ini merupakan evaluasi komparatif sederhana namun objektif terhadap ancaman keamanan internal yang dihadapi dua negara besar sub-regional Afrika dan Asia Selatan-Nigeria dan Pakistan. Mempertimbangkan fakta bahwa etnisitas, sektarianisme, dan ketidakstabilan ekonomi adalah variabel fundamental dari ancaman keamanan internal di kedua negara. Penelitian ini berpendapat bahwa ekstremisme agama telah menciptakan citra yang tidak baik dari kedua negara di mata dunia. Tidak diragukan lagi, ini telah mempengaruhi kedua negara secara merugikan. Penelitian ini juga mengidentifikasi kasus-kasus antar-regional sebagai penyebab potensial kerusakan pada kedua federasi. Juga diidentifikasi masalah etno-sektarian sebagai ancaman keamanan utama bagi kedua negara, dimana akan tetap menjadi hambatan besar bagi tujuan kemakmuran ekonomi kedua negara. Fokus penelitian ini adalah untuk menguji saling ketergantungan dari tantangan beragam ini dan dampaknya secara keseluruhan terhadap keamanan internal di kedua negara. Untuk mendapatkan data tersebut, penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dimana pendekatan analitik digunakan untuk menguji kesamaan dalam tantangan keamanan di Nigeria dan Pakistan. Kuesioner struktural digunakan sebagai instrumen pengumpulan data. Penggunaan pendekatan analitik tematik diadopsi untuk menganalisis data yang dikumpulkan untuk penelitian ini. Studi ini menyimpulkan antara lain, perlunya kedua negara untuk secara individual mengatasi ancaman keamanan nasional ini dan menemukan solusi yang layak untuk masalah reformasi sosial-ekonomi dan politik dan pengangguran dalam jangka waktu yang wajar untuk mengurangi ancaman di masa depan.Kata Kunci: Keamanan dalam Negeri; Etnisitas; Sektarianisme; Tantangan Две нации, разные регионы, одинаковые вызовы: правовой и политический анализ угроз внутренней безопасности в Нигерии и Пакистане АбстрактныйЭто исследование представляет собой скромную, но объективную сравнительную оценку угроз внутренней безопасности, с которыми сталкиваются две субрегиональные крупные страны Африки и Южной Азии - Нигерия и Пакистан. Учитывая тот факт, что этническая принадлежность, сектантство и экономическая нестабильность являются фундаментальными переменными угроз внутренней безопасности в обеих странах, в исследовании утверждается, что религиозный экстремизм создал незавидный имидж обеих стран в глазах остального мира, несомненно, это повлияло на обе нации неблагоприятно. Исследование также определило межрегиональные жалобы как потенциальные причины ущерба для обеих федераций. Также определена этно-сектантская проблема как серьезная угроза безопасности для обеих стран. Это, по мнению авторов, останется огромным препятствием на пути достижения целей экономического процветания обеих стран. Следовательно, целью данного исследования является изучение взаимозависимости этих многогранных вызовов и их общего воздействия на внутреннюю безопасность в обеих странах. Для достижения этой цели в исследовании использовался качественный метод исследования, в котором использовался аналитический подход для изучения сходства проблем безопасности в Нигерии и Пакистане. Структурная анкета использовалась в качестве инструмента для сбора данных. Для анализа данных, собранных для исследования, был использован тематический аналитический подход. В исследовании, среди прочего, делается вывод о необходимости для обеих стран индивидуально противодействовать этим угрозам национальной безопасности и находить жизнеспособные решения проблем социально-экономических и политических реформ и безработицы в разумные сроки для смягчения будущих угроз.Ключевые слова: внутренняя безопасность; Этническая принадлежность; Сектантство; Вызовы


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (24 A) ◽  
pp. 363-380
Author(s):  
Juliusz Sikorski

We see the Roman Catholic Church in the People’s Republic of Poland as a victim of a totalitarian and authoritarian system. This is understandable. However, as a subject of internal politics, during the system’s construction or later in periods of unrest, the Church played an important role in defusing social problems and tensions. This was something the communist authorities very much counted on. Such actions also legitimised usurpers who had no real social support. This was the case both in the first years after the end of the war, when, for example, there was the complicated problem of settling the acquired lands, and in the years of political turmoil and breakthroughs. The Church, as an institution headed by the Primate and the Episcopate, tried to calm social moods in these critical moments. This resulted from a sense of responsibility for the nation and the state, whatever it might be. In this way, he contributed to stabilising the country’s internal security in times of crisis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 6-16
Author(s):  
Igor Seleznev

The article examines the internal security challenges in the Central Asian region (CAR), the causes of conflicts within the countries of the region. The article describes the general and special features of the socio-political situation in the CAR countries. This study was conducted within the framework of the theory of conflict. The paper uses the author's typology of costs and risks on the path of interstate integration: growth risks (economic, social, security) and immanent risks, as well as characteristics of the nature of regional conflicts. The author analyzes Russia's interests in the CAR, the conflict potential of the region, and the prospects for the development of Eurasian integration in the region. The main conflict-causing internal political factors are: poverty of the population, the growth of social differentiation, high unemployment, an overabundance of the able-bodied population, socio-economic instability; the archaization of public life; interethnic contradictions; the presence of a religious fundamentalist and extremist underground, waiting for the moment to seize power; the spread of drug addiction and the activities of organized criminal communities engaged in transit drug trafficking; the threat of political destabilization of the region both in the process of transferring power to a new generation of leaders and the change of leadership elites. Eurasian integration can strengthen the Russian vector in the policies of the countries involved in Eurasian integration, but it will not eliminate the influence of other vectors, it will only balance them. Participation in the Eurasian integration can help the CAR countries strengthen their independence and sovereignty. Since foreign "multi-vector" policy, often understood as a distance from Russia, leads to an increase in dependence on other centers of power, which ultimately contradicts the national interests of the CAR nations themselves.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 69-87
Author(s):  
János Gyula Kocsi ◽  
Ferenc Vukics

Our series of studies would like to draw attention to the fact that China, which has so far had considerable foreign policy experience, is also forging serious capital from dealing with its own internal conflicts. A diverse, high-spread country is testing the effectiveness of ‘soft power’ in its provinces. Without foreign policy adventures, these locations provided the Chinese Communist Party with adequate experience in resolving certain types of conflicts. Uyghur, Tibet, Inner Mongolia, Hong Kong, Macao embody archetypes of problems that pose a direct threat to the Chinese state. In addition to regional conflicts, we can also consider the problems of the Christian community of about one hundred million. Uyghur is an excellent example of how to achieve results along the fault lines of cultures and religions. The first part of the series of studies shows how Uyghurs with significant separatist traditions have been persuaded to make ‘modern life’ the same as accepting the Chinese order. Through the Uyghurs, China is learning how to refine its methods concerning Muslim countries in Central Asia.


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