scholarly journals Politične razmere na Slovenskem leta 1920

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2021) (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

The article presents a thorough analysis of the dynamic political situation on Slovene ground in 1920, which was created by protest marches connected to the question of Slovene borders, women's right to vote, the establishment of the communist Workers' Socialist Party of Slovenia and the assembly of the catholic Slovene People's Party (SLS) in Ljubljana. The reality of the communist movement was shown by the railway and general strike in the second half of April 1920, which culminated on April 24, with tragic blood spill on Zaloška cesta in Ljubljana. Politically, the communists were the third strongest actor in the state and for the purpose of their elimination, the Belgrade government passed the so-called Obznana law on December 29, 1920, and forbid their activities. The changing political situation could also be seen at the already limited management of Slovenia. There were several changes of the Land Government for Slovenia, which were connected to the changes of the central government in Belgrade. The year 1920 was a turning point in many ways. It predicted troubled political years ahead and the prediction was right.

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-75
Author(s):  
R. Vanlalhmangaihsanga

Under Article 356 of the constitution of India, Union Government has the right to cease the executive authority of a state and impose it under President’s Rule. However, the President’s Rule is usually exercised only when the administration of the state cannot function properly according to the provision given in the Constitution of India. When a state is imposed under President’s Rule, the Governor will have authority over the state administration and he will do so under the provision of the central government. Mizoram has also been imposed under President’s Rule thrice. The first two times was during the period in which Mizoram was a Union Territory and the third time was after it attains statehood.


1969 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Lambert

In almost all the developing countries ‘planning’ has become the open sesame to an industrial future. Private enterprise, it has been argued, is either incapable or unwilling to provide the investment necessary to develop the world, and therefore the task must be carried out by the state, acting through a wide variety of ministries, nationalized corporations, and ‘mixed’ businesses in which the state is the main shareholder. But making a plan is not the same thing as carrying it out, as most of the nations of the Third World have discovered to their cost. A new and highly sophisticated administrative structure will be necessary to carry out the national plan, and the existing government systems, which are mostly based on foundations laid when the responsibilities of the central government were very much smaller, are mostly inadequate. This dilemma can be seen most obviously in the case of Brazil, where a strenuous and partially successful effort has been made to reform the administration and to fit it for its new tasks. What lessons can be learnt from the successes and failures of the administrative reform in Brazil?


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (56) ◽  
pp. 85-107
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Trzciński

There are various ways of reducing conflicts and of stabilizing the political situation in states where society is made up of many different ethnic groups and religious communities, and where relations between these segments – or between them and the central government – are tense. A particularly important way is the establishment in those states of a political system based on power-sharing (PS), which allows members of various ethnic and religious segments to take part in the exercise of power. The literature on the subject usually discusses two models of PS: consociationalism and centripetalism. A third model is encountered in practice, however, that of hybrid power-sharing (HPS), which combines the institutions of the first two. The main objective of this article is to explain the nature and origins of HPS. As examples, I will use the political systems of Nigeria and Indonesia. In the first part of the article I explain briefly the nature of PS, and of its two main models; in the second I explain what HPS is; in the third I analyze the emergence of HPS, and give the causes of the inclusion of consociational institutions in political systems in which centripetal institutions are dominant, using the cases of Nigeria and Indonesia; I draw conclusions in the final part.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 52-58
Author(s):  
Vera V. Popova

The article examines the procedure for the formation of city dumas in the towns of Nizhny Novgorod, Vladimir and Tula governorates in the 1870–1880s on the basis of archival materials. The author studies the electorate, their distribution by categories in accordance with the Municipal statutes of 1870, as well as the estate composition of councilors in city dumas. As a result of the reform of 1870, not all urban residents received the right to vote. The property qualification gave the opportunity to participate in the elections only to the most affluent part of the population. Distribution of voters into three categories, depending on the amount of taxes paid, was one of the characteristic features and one of the main problems of the electoral system that operated in towns of the second half of the 19th century. In practice, as a result of restrictions established by the law, a significant part of urban residents were deprived of the right to vote. As follows from the collected archival data, the persons who voted in the first and second categories showed the greatest activity as voters. At this, the turnout among the electors in the third category was extremely low. The central government, determining the procedure for the formation of self-governance bodies, was interested in ensuring a privileged position of the noble estate. Nevertheless, the analysis of city dumas composition based on the materials of the selected provinces shows that a significant part of councilors was made by representatives of the merchant class and petty bourgeoisie. The appearance of peasant class representatives in the city dumas is noteworthy. Thus, despite equality of estates in the municipal self-governance bodies created as a result of the reform of 1870, not all urban residents could vote. But even those who were granted the right to vote often did not use it. As a rule, the least activity was characteristic for the third category voters, which included the less affluent segments of the urban population and who did not see the point in participating in public life. Among the more affluent citizens who voted in the first and second categories, electoral activity was quite high. Merchants and rich representatives of the petty-bourgeoisie estate showed the greatest interest in the sphere of self-governance.


1989 ◽  
Vol 28 (04) ◽  
pp. 270-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. Rienhoff

Abstract:The state of the art is summarized showing many efforts but only few results which can serve as demonstration examples for developing countries. Education in health informatics in developing countries is still mainly dealing with the type of health informatics known from the industrialized world. Educational tools or curricula geared to the matter of development are rarely to be found. Some WHO activities suggest that it is time for a collaboration network to derive tools and curricula within the next decade.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 245-255
Author(s):  
Rostislav F. Turovsky

The article is devoted to the study of the party model of Russian parliamentarism in post-soviet period. The focus is on the issues of party representation and its correlation with the distribution of the managerial positions and introduction of collective legislation at State Duma. These issues are examined from the point of view of reaching cross-party consensus and implementation of fair parliament party representation principle. According to the author Russian parliamentarism model aims at reaching full-fledged party consensus that corresponds better to the principles of popular representation than strict parliament polarization along the line of “authority-opposition”. Understanding of those issues by the majority of the players was noted from the very start of the State Duma activities, in spite of the acute conflicts in the 1990-ies.The author draws the conclusion that the equation of party representation continues to grow at the level of managerial positions in the parliament that allows to improve cooperation of the parties and to reduce authority and opposition conflicts. Thereby the Russian parliamentarism model makes an important contribution to the stabilization of socio-political situation of the country.


2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 42-46
Author(s):  
Barbara Bothová

What is an underground? Is it possible to embed this particular way of life into any definition? After all, even underground did not have the need to define itself at the beginning. The presented text represents a brief reflection of the development of underground in Czechoslovakia; attention is paid to the impulses from the West, which had a significant influence on the underground. The text focuses on the key events that influenced the underground. For example, the “Hairies (Vlasatci)” Action, which took place in 1966, and the State Security activity in Rudolfov in 1974. The event in Rudolfov was an imaginary landmark and led to the writing of a manifesto that came into history as the “Report on the Third Czech Musical Revival.”


2019 ◽  
pp. 246-256
Author(s):  
A. K. Zholkovsky

In his article, A. Zholkovsky discusses the contemporary detective mini-series Otlichnitsa [A Straight-A Student], which mentions O. Mandelstam’s poem for children A Galosh [Kalosha]: more than a fleeting mention, this poem prompts the characters and viewers alike to solve the mystery of its authorship. According to the show’s plot, the fact that Mandelstam penned the poem surfaces when one of the female characters confesses her involvement in his arrest. Examining this episode, Zholkovsky seeks structural parallels with the show in V. Aksyonov’s Overstocked Packaging Barrels [Zatovarennaya bochkotara] and even in B. Pasternak’s Doctor Zhivago [Doktor Zhivago]: in each of those, a member of the Soviet intelligentsia who has developed a real fascination with some unique but unattainable object is shocked to realize that the establishment have long enjoyed this exotic object without restrictions. We observe, therefore, a typical solution to the core problem of the Soviet, and more broadly, Russian cultural-political situation: the relationship between the intelligentsia and the state, and the resolution is not a confrontation, but reconciliation.


Punjab has emerged as an important rice-producing state in the country. The state with 1.53 percent of the geographical area of the country produces more than 11 percent of total rice production in the country. The production of rice in Punjab increased more than 10 times due to an increase in area and yield. The growth of a rice crop at such a high rate over 20 years in Punjab is indeed a rare phenomenon in the history of agricultural development in the world. Due to extensive cultivation of rice in Punjab, the state has been over-exploiting the groundwater, more than its recharge. Most of the tube-well dominated districts of the state, witnessed the fall in water table more than 20 to 30 cm per year. To dispose of the paddy straw, the farmers of Punjab generally opt for burning it. This practice of burning of paddy straw besides nutrient loss is posing a serious problem for the public health and transportation system. Rice has now become a problematic crop for Punjab state due to its ill effects on its natural resources, that is, the water and soil environmental degradation. The Punjab Agricultural University experts and other committees estimated that the total groundwater recharge from all sources can sustain/support only 16-17 lakh ha of paddy in Punjab. The area under the crop increased to 29 lakh ha which was unsustainable in the long run. The area under rice in Punjab should be stabilized at 16-17 lakh ha and the remaining paddy area should be shifted to other crops like pulses, oilseeds, maize, fruits, and vegetables, etc. requiringless water, to achieve proper water balance. Thus diversification of some area from paddy is in the interest of Punjab farmers, State government and the Central government for long term food security on a sustainable basis.


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