scholarly journals PR as a Tool of Political Technologies (on the Example of the 2020 Parliamentary Elections in Kyrgyzstan)

2022 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 191-200
Author(s):  
Zh. Bokoeva ◽  
Zh. Akmatbekova ◽  
D. Sydygalieva
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Main Task ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Time Period ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Media Reports ◽  
Practical Recommendations

The main task of elections in a democratic state is not only to elect representatives of power, but also to ensure the legitimacy of newly elected persons and the political system as a whole. Today, elections are one of the most democratic ways for voters to freely express their opinion in matters of appointing the heads of legislative and executive bodies of power. Consequently, the most important and indispensable condition for a democratic system is free elections. Elections are designed to perform functions such as electing a new political elite, resolving conflicts, reflecting the interests and opinions of various peoples, social strata and groups of society, mobilizing the population to support party programs and social values, etc. PR-technologies occupy a special place in election campaigns. In this regard, the article examines PR-technologies used by parties in the 2020 parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan. The study covers the time period from September 4 to October 3, 2020. As part of the study, a linguistic analysis of information posted on the official websites and social pages of parties, media reports and reports of relevant organizations was carried out. Based on the results of the study, a number of practical recommendations have been developed that must be taken into account during the next parliamentary and presidential elections.

Local Elites and Popular Support for Economic Reform in China and India

2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 350-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
PRADEEP CHHIBBER ◽  
SAMUEL ELDERSVELD
Keyword(s):  
Economic Reform ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
China And India ◽  
Local Elite ◽  
Local Politicians ◽  
Democratic System

This article analyzes why it is that China, an authoritarian political system, has managed to generate more popular support for the reform process than India, a democracy. The authors argue that when local politicians and bureaucrats are more supportive of the reform process, there is likely to be greater popular support for economic reform. Local political elite may be more supportive of reform in an authoritarian than in a democratic system because the level of local elite support for the reform process is influenced by the incentives faced by local elite. In China, institutional reform changed the incentives faced by local elite, whereas in India, reforms have not been accompanied by institutional changes that would encourage local elite to support reform to the same extent as in China. The argument is based on local elite and mass surveys conducted in China and India in 1990 and 1996, respectively. A logit model, controlling for a variety of alternative explanations, provides evidence that local elite support is critical for explaining whether reforms are popular.

Farewell to the Caucasus: Regional ethnic clan politics and the growing instability of the ruling elite after the 2012 presidential elections in Russia

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marat Grebennikov
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Rent Seeking ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Past Century ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian Politics

One of the most lingering questions about Russian politics that dominates public discourse and media coverage is the future of political regime after the 2012 presidential elections. The answer to this question is inextricably linked to the extent of differences between President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, how long their “tandemocracy” will last and what can bring about regime change as scarce critics of the Kremlin, from ultra-liberals to communists, have been haphazardly co-opted into the power system, leaving no political ambitions that they would not, in principle, be ready to abandon in return for proper compensation.In sharp contrast to the views of many regional experts and commentators, the presentday Russian Federation is the world’s most anti-Soviet state. It is based upon a very different set of values: private ownership, dire individualism, the cult of money, a clan-based political system, and pervasive corruption at all levels of government. The North Caucasus ethnocratic elites, however, do not have access to abundant resources for sale, and are forced to look around for alternative sustenance, as rigid centralism and unification limit their rent-seeking capabilities. Alexander Khloponin, the incumbent presidential envoy in charge of the North Caucasus Federal District, seems to continue the policy of buying the loyalty of regional archaic clan-based elites that aggravates rather than improves the situation.The paper addresses this puzzle: why, against rigorous rhetoric and demonstration of tight grip over the region, neither Putin nor Medvedev has real power to bring change to the North Caucasus? In an attempt to solve this puzzle, the paper examines the triadic relationship among central political elite, who benefited from the massive privatisation of lucrative segments of Soviet industry in the early 1990s, regional clan-based ethnocracy, and non-systemic religious opposition. Drawing on the works of Russian scholars and experts in Russian politics, the paper explores the hypothesis that on-going instability in the North Caucasus can no longer be explained by a well-known set of theories of ethnic violence, because it is carefully negotiated by regional and central political elite, who do not see the North Caucasus as an indispensable part of the Russian Federation and whose clan-based rent-seeking agendas have gradually driven Russian statehood into a complete dead-end. Instead of facing the real challenges that are addressed in this paper, it is only able to make a public show of action on the eve of crucial political campaigns: the 2012 presidential elections and the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi. The paper concludes that the deep freeze in the Russian political system has exhausted its debatable potential for change through the existing tandem model of government with its obscure division of roles between two leaders. What we actually see is an imitation of political reform and the resulting degradation of the entire system of governance. Over the past century, Russian polity has never been as weak as today, because the only legitimate source of power in Russia is corruption.

Ein Ende mit Schrecken – Frankreich nach den Wahlen

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Economic Transformations ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Deep Crisis

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.

Making Americans Feel Great Again? Personal Significance Predicts Political Intentions of Losers and Winners of the 2016 US Election

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jasko ◽  
Joanna Grzymala-Moszczynska ◽  
Marta Maj ◽  
Marta Szastok ◽  
Arie W. Kruglanski
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Transition ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Personal Significance ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Times

Reactions of losers and winners of political elections have important consequences for the political system during the times of power transition. In four studies conducted immediately before and after the 2016 US presidential elections we investigated how personal significance induced by success or failure of one’s candidate is related to hostile vs. benevolent intentions toward political adversaries. We found that the less significant supporters of Hillary Clinton and supporters of Donald Trump felt after an imagined (Study 1A) or actual (Study 2) electoral failure the more they were willing to engage in peaceful actions against the elected president and the less they were willing to accept the results of the elections. However, while significance gain due to an imagined or actual electoral success was related to more benevolent intentions among Clinton supporters (Study 1B), it was related to more hostile intentions among Trump supporters (Studies 1B, 2, and 3).

Election delay will not solve Libya's problems

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Armed Group ◽  
The Core

Significance This is expected to be followed by the first parliamentary election since 2014, at some point in early 2022. It now looks increasingly likely that both elections will be delayed. The electoral process lacks the elements it would need to be truly transformative, but it is prompting shifts in the political elite which will dictate developments for at least the next year. Impacts Khalifa Haftar will keep pushing for his armed group to form the core of Libya’s future army Seif al-Islam Qadhafi’s candidacy in the elections is unlikely to result in him becoming president. Aguileh Saleh looks set to stay on as House of Representatives speaker with no clear date for parliamentary elections.

Regional features of local elections in 2020: Poltava region

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
Petro Vorona ◽  
S. A. Solovey
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Opinion Leaders ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Party Building ◽  
Regional Features ◽  
Electoral Law

The article considers the issue of holding local elections on the example of one of the regions of Ukraine - Poltava region. The research hypothesis is based on the study of the dynamics of party representation in local governments of Poltava region as a central, iconic region to study the evolution of electoral sympathies and features of party building from the standpoint of public administration science. The author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral preferences of Poltava residents in the local elections in terms of political parties and their dynamics in accordance with the 2015 elections. The development of democratic processes is directly dependent on the mechanisms and procedures for both local and parliamentary elections - the extent to which electoral law allows the majority of voters to understand the wide variety of political parties and candidates, allows opinion leaders to participate in elections. It is pointed out that there is a certain regrouping («political mimicry») of some political parties in the country, as a reestablishment of the «old political elite» and a campaign for local elections in a new composition and with a new name. The article focuses on strengthening the role of regionally influenced political parties in local elections. They allowed the local political elite to be more independent of all-Ukrainian parliamentary parties. Attention is drawn to local political party projects led by charismatic or financially influential politicians. It is noted that the local elections in 2020 continued the positive dynamics of change - from the previous convocation, only a quarter of people entered the Poltava Regional Council, and its membership was renewed by almost 70%. The dominance of the post-Soviet communist and Komsomol elites in the region, which were characterized by exceptional unity, is disappearing, although they retain some of their political electoral influence in the region. It is pointed out the need to further improve the provisions of the Electoral Code where it is necessary to lay down the principle of fairness in the distribution of seats on the main electoral list in accordance with the electoral rating of candidates.

Electoral system as a motivation to reforming political system- The Iraqi model

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Reform ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Masses

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).

scholarly journals Evaluation Remarks about Slovenian Parliamentary Democracy at Its Twenty-Fifth Anniversary

2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 42-58
Author(s):  
Simona Kustec Lipicer
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Research Papers ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
New Period ◽  
Clear Distance ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Democratic Transformation

In order to evaluate the existing practices of the Slovenian parliamentary democracy, the author conducted a chronological overview of the shifts in prevailing democratic patterns, starting with the first parliamentary elections after the country gained independence onwards. Parliamentary and governmental political party behaviour was central to the analysis and, thus, was analysed using both statistical data and secondary sources, which primarily consisted of academic and research papers and media records. The analysis revealed that Slovenian parliamentary democracy in the initial (first) decade was according to the electoral data predictable and by programme orientation oriented towards democratic development. However, over the past three election cycles (second decade), the situation began to change quickly, indicating a predominance of internal party interests and conflicts that affect the country’s entire democratic arena. One of the main findings of the article suggests that political parties in Slovenia remain a fundamentally important pillar of parliamentary democracy, but their roles and activities within the parliamentary, governmental and other arenas increasingly warn of their central mission and democratic system functions. It can be detected that the potentials for electoral uncertainties increase with the intensities of internal and inter-parties’ conflicts which all give distinctly negative connotation to the country’s parliamentary democracy. To reverse the curve of parliamentary democracy in a country upwards again a new period of democratic transformation should be activated, built on the principles of a new model of democratic and party governance, as well as also global sustainability policies. A clear distance from narrow internal political parties’ interests, conflicts and in this regard negative competition needs to be considered as well.

scholarly journals DEFICIENCIES OF PLATO’S DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM

2019 ◽  
pp. 37-43
Author(s):  
Iryna Liashchenko
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Human Soul ◽  
Systematic Method ◽  
Rapid Degradation ◽  
Methodological Basis ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
Democratic Election ◽  
Proper Operation

Main objective of the study. The objective of the study is to identify deficiencies of the democratic political system in order to protect democracy from rapid degradation into tyranny. Methodology. The systematic method was selected as the methodological basis for the research, as it enables the consideration of Plato’s democratic system as interdependent with other types of states. The comparative method proved to be effective for distinguishing the characteristic features of the aristocratic, timocratic, oligarchic, democratic and tyrannical state of the human soul and Plato’s system of government.Findings and conclusions. To enable proper operation of democracy, it requires protection from its own deficiencies. These deficiencies include the following: firstly, the flaw of haughty, arrogant attitude towards wise talented naturally eminent people and the fear of their coming to power originates from timocracy; secondly, just as «barns with gold» destroyed the timocratic and oligarchic type of state, so the residues of these «barns» turn into a flaw of democracy in the form of a social abyss between the most affluent and the most deprived strata of the society; thirdly, this is excessive will in democracy that is gradually turning into excessive slavery. Regarding the latter, Plato emphasizes the anarchic extreme of freedom in democracy, which turns it into arbitrariness. After all, in a democracy there is no need to participate in government; not necessarily obey; no go to war; neither obey peace or laws, etc. The main consequence of all these deficiencies in the democratic system is the fostering of a future tyrant rooting from a people’s deputy. Since the thinker points out that no matter how many times a tyrant appears, he does not come from somewhere, but only from a democratic election procedure.

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