scholarly journals Political Hearts of Darkness: The Dark Triad as Predictors of Political Orientations and Interest in Politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (12) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Edward Bell ◽  
Christopher Marcin Kowalski ◽  
Philip Anthony Vernon ◽  
Julie Aitken Schermer

Background: This study investigated the relationships between the Dark Triad of personality (sub-clinical psychopathy, Machiavellianism, and narcissism) and four political variables: socio-religious conservatism, support for greater economic equality, overall liberal–conservative orientation, and interest in politics. A theoretical approach that focused on the influence of the Dark Triad in large groups was provided to interpret those relationships. Methodological issues found in previous research that related to the use of abbreviated scales to measure the dark traits and the use of unidimensional indicators of political orientations were addressed. Methods: A hierarchical regression analysis was conducted to determine whether any of the three dark traits could explain variance in the aforementioned political attributes over and above that accounted for by the Big Five, sex, age, and nationality, using the full personality scales and measures of political orientation that captured both social and economic liberalism–conservatism. Results: Machiavellianism uniquely predicted lower levels of socio-religious conservatism, and both Machiavellianism and narcissism uniquely predicted lower levels of overall conservatism. Conclusions: There were important links between the Dark Triad and politics.

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 219-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bojana M. Dinić ◽  
Tara Bulut Allred ◽  
Boban Petrović ◽  
Anja Wertag

Abstract. The aim of this study was to evaluate psychometric properties of three sadism scales: Short Sadistic Impulse Scale (SSIS), Varieties of Sadistic Tendencies (VAST, which measures direct and vicarious sadism), and Assessment of Sadistic Personality (ASP). Sample included 443 participants (50.1% men) from the general population. Reliability based on internal consistency of all scales was good, and results of Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) showed that all three scales had acceptable fit indices for the proposed structure. Results of Item Response Theory (IRT) analysis showed that all three scales had higher measurement precision (information) in above-average scores. Validity of the scales was supported through moderate to high positive correlations with the Dark Triad traits, especially psychopathy, as well as positive correlations with aggressiveness and negative with Honesty-Humility. Moreover, results of hierarchical regression analysis showed that all three measures of direct, but not vicarious sadism, contributed significantly above and beyond other Dark Triad traits to the prediction of increased positive attitudes toward dangerous social groups. The profile similarity index showed that the SSIS and the ASP were highly overlapping, while vicarious sadism seems distinct from other sadism scales.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anja Wertag ◽  
Denis Bratko

Abstract. Prosocial behavior is intended to benefit others rather than oneself and is positively linked to personality traits such as Agreeableness and Honesty-Humility, and usually negatively to the Dark Triad traits (i.e., Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy). However, a significant proportion of the research in this area is conducted solely on self-report measures of prosocial behavior. Therefore, the aim of this study was to investigate the relationship between prosociality and the basic (i.e., HEXACO) and dark personality traits, comparing their contribution in predicting both self-reported prosociality and prosocial behavior. Results of the hierarchical regression analyses showed that the Dark Triad traits explain prosociality and prosocial behavior above and beyond the HEXACO traits, emphasizing the importance of the Dark Triad in the personality space.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatma Ülkü Selçuk ◽  
Nil Demet Güngör

<p>The study explores the relation of narcissism to political orientation and their association with basic human values, using an undergraduate sample from Turkey. Leftwing orientation is weakly and negatively correlated with narcissism, and specifically with its self-sufficiency dimension. Leftwing is correlated positively with universalism and negatively with tradition. Narcissism is positively correlated with the self-enhancement and openness to change dimensions and negatively correlated with the self-transcendence and conservatism dimensions of the basic values. Hierarchical regression results indicate that the value tradition is a stronger predictor of political orientation than narcissism. In multinomial logistic regression, for narcissism, statistical significance appears for only extreme right compared to moderate left political positions. We did not find power-hunger to be related to political orientation. We did not find pro-sociality to be related to familial-religious customs. We did not find any sex difference for mean narcissism scores. However, females are more leftwing oriented than males and they report more eagerness to strive for justice for others. Striving for justice for others is negatively correlated with the value power; positively correlated with leftwing orientation and striving for justice for self; and uncorrelated with narcissism. Males have higher mean scores for the value tradition and females have higher mean scores for the value security.</p>


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatma Ülkü Selçuk ◽  
Nil Demet Güngör

<p>The study explores the relation of narcissism to political orientation and their association with basic human values, using an undergraduate sample from Turkey. Leftwing orientation is weakly and negatively correlated with narcissism, and specifically with its self-sufficiency dimension. Leftwing is correlated positively with universalism and negatively with tradition. Narcissism is positively correlated with the self-enhancement and openness to change dimensions and negatively correlated with the self-transcendence and conservatism dimensions of the basic values. Hierarchical regression results indicate that the value tradition is a stronger predictor of political orientation than narcissism. In multinomial logistic regression, for narcissism, statistical significance appears for only extreme right compared to moderate left political positions. We did not find power-hunger to be related to political orientation. We did not find pro-sociality to be related to familial-religious customs. We did not find any sex difference for mean narcissism scores. However, females are more leftwing oriented than males and they report more eagerness to strive for justice for others. Striving for justice for others is negatively correlated with the value power; positively correlated with leftwing orientation and striving for justice for self; and uncorrelated with narcissism. Males have higher mean scores for the value tradition and females have higher mean scores for the value security.</p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 003329411989990
Author(s):  
Burcu Tekeş ◽  
E. Olcay Imamoğlu ◽  
Fatih Özdemir ◽  
Bengi Öner-Özkan

The aims of this study were to test: (a) the association of political orientations with morality orientations, specified by moral foundations theory, on a sample of young adults from Turkey, representing a collectivistic culture; and (b) the statistically mediating roles of needs for cognition and recognition in the links between political orientation and morality endorsements. According to the results (a) right-wing orientation and need for recognition were associated with all the three binding foundations (i.e., in-group/loyalty, authority/respect, and purity/sanctity); (b) right-wing orientation was associated with binding foundations also indirectly via the role of need for recognition; (c) regarding individualizing foundations, left-wing orientation and need for cognition were associated with fairness/reciprocity, whereas only gender was associated with harm/care; and (d) left-wing orientation was associated with fairness dimension also indirectly via the role of need for cognition. The cultural relevance of moral foundations theory as well as the roles of needs for cognition and recognition are discussed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiffany Shin Legendre ◽  
Rodney Warnick ◽  
Melissa Baker

Despite the copious anecdotal evidence available, research only recently examines the multidimensional dynamics associated with underdog brands and their essential, complex place in the business world. This research seeks to better conceptualize, operationalize, and refine the theories and constructs surrounding underdogs. The study conducts two 2 × 2 × 2 quasi-experimental between-subjects design studies to fulfill these objectives. Study 1 is designed to confirm that brand localness needs to be separated from underdog concepts as both brand cues distinctively prompt customers’ purchase activism depending on their political orientations. Study 2 extends the system justification theory by replicating Study 1 using a different context and refining control variables to better understand other potential explanations of customer behavior toward underdog/localness brand cues. The results indicate that brand positioning status and brand localness both have main effects on intent to purchase and willingness to pay a price premium. Furthermore, results find political orientation is an important moderator in determining whether customers purchase underdog brands.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-193
Author(s):  
Svein Olaf Thorbjørnsen ◽  
Magne Supphellen

Abstract To what extent do Norwegian ministers deal with social-ethical issues in their sermons? While we examine the frequency of such topics in this article, we primarily explore the potential determinants of their priorities in discussing these issues: their individual backgrounds, their ethical and political orientations, the local parish characteristics and the ministers’ sources of inspiration in preparing sermons. The results shows that different ethical orientations appear to be largely unrelated to the frequency of addressing social-ethical issues. Experiences in nature are the most important source of inspiration. The school at which the minister was trained has a significant impact on frequency, while political orientation has a very weak influence. Different parish characteristics—affluence and level of social challenges—and the age and marital status of the clergy do have an impact on which issues are given priority. The minister’s gender and geographical location both have no effect.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-266
Author(s):  
Nara Jeong ◽  
Nari Kim

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of political orientation on corporate social (ir)responsibility. In specific, it investigates CEO political liberalism, and its moderation with government political liberalism on corporate social responsibility (CSR) and corporate social irresponsibility (CSIR). Design/methodology/approach Panel regression analysis was conducted using 3,136 firm-year observations of 751 CEOs in the USA. Findings Results show that the effects of CEO liberalism are positive on CSR and negative on CSIR. During the reign of a democrat president, however, CEO political liberalism shows different impacts on CSR and CSIR. Interactions between the same political orientations are negatively associated with CSR, but not significantly associated with CSIR. Originality/value The primary contribution of this paper is in presenting the interactive effects of external environment and CEO attributions on CSIR.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-157
Author(s):  
Dong-Yu Lin ◽  
Ping Lin

Abstract During the early twentieth century, strong nationalistic ideas sprang up in Indonesia. Some Chinese elites in professional positions under the Dutch colonial government tended to side with the Dutch with the pro-Dutch attitude; some working for Chinese newspapers or agencies developed the pro-China stance; some supported and cooperated with the indigenous people with the pro-independence tendency; and others had their inclinations transformed over the course of time. After examining the life history of a few prominent Chinese figures, this article shows that three levels of factors—international politics in East Asia, local politics in the Dutch East Indies, and their life histories under Dutch rule (together with travel experience to China)—were critical for each Chinese person in establishing or transforming their often hybrid political orientations. The Chinese preference was neither monolithic nor settled, so the general assumption that “Chinese people are loyal to China” in Indonesian politics of the colonial era should be revised.


1985 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen M. Blee

Public attention recently has been drawn to the existence of a “gender gap” in public opinion and electoral politics in the United States. Yet the reasons for this sex difference in politics are unclear. Do men and women have differences of political orientation that are independent of social class differences or do sex differences in politics reflect different class experiences for men and women? This research uses national survey data to compare the political effects of social mobility for three groups of respondents: Males, women employed for wages outside the home, and housewives. I predict that women who are mobile by virtue of their own occupational status will have political orientations close to those of their class-of-destination, while women who are mobile by virtue of a spouse's occupation will retain political orientations similar to those of their class-of-origin. Further, I predict that the difference between the relationship of social mobility and political orientation for employed men and women will decline as women's overall labor force participation increases. In a log-linear analysis of presidential candidate selection from 1948 to 1980, I find that marital and occupational mobility do have different effects on women's political orientation, but the direction of political change across mobility statuses was not consistent. There is no convergence over time in the pattern whereby mobility status is related to political choice for men and women.


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