scholarly journals Chile in Times of Pandemic

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela Ramírez

This chapter provides an overview of the economic impact in Chile caused by Covid −19, the evolution of the Chilean economy in a compact and direct view. The restrictions imposed on consumption and production, as well as the decline of private investment are be the main obstacles that will keep the country from growing, exacerbated by the consequences on labor activity; on the other hand, the increase in public spending helps to counteract these effects, but only to a certain extent. We will consider a brief look at the political situation in the country, since the Chilean economy was in a vulnerable position at the time of receiving the pandemic with an economic contraction of 4.1% in the last quarter of 2019, as the result of the social crisis triggered in October of the mentioned year. The following aspects will be developed which include quantitative information about; Chilean economic situation, making reference and taking comparative parameters to the foreign sector, public sector, fiscal policy and monetary policy. Economic prospects and political situation.

Author(s):  
Jens Richard Giersdorf

Nearly a year after the fall of the Berlin Wall, East Germany was subsumed into the West German national structure. As a result, the distinct political systems, institutions, and cultures that characterized East Germany have nearly completely vanished. In some instances, this history was actively—and physically—eradicated by the unified Germany. This chapter works against the disappearance of East German culture by reconstructing the physicality of the walk across the border on the day of the opening of the Berlin Wall and two choreographic works depicting East German identities on stage. The initial re-creation of the choreography of a pedestrian movement provides a social, political, and methodological context that relates the two dance productions to the social movement of East German citizens. Both works take stances on the political situation in East Germany during and after the opening of the Berlin Wall in 1989, although one is by a West German artist, Sasha Waltz, and the other by East German choreographer Jo Fabian.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Syeda Aysha ◽  
Raja Nasim Akhtar

The changing undercurrents of the political situation of the world, in the aftermath of 9/11, seem to have affected the notion of the 'other' in the social, cultural and most expressively the discourse of literature. The power structures embedded in these discourses have influenced the social practices in the portrayal of the 'other'. The construction of the 'other' is epitomized through writings illustrating biases that reveal themselves in ostracizing communities and ideologies. The socio-political implications of the identity in post 9/11 require further investigation.  The current study investigates the portrayal of the 'other' delineated in American young adults. The theoretical perspectives of Siegfried Jager and Teun van Dijk (2001) in the domain of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) were employed to analyze the data. The results of the investigation substantiated that the 'other' was redefined as an entity loaded with explicit negative implications and depicted by adding a prefix to the ‘other’ creating a ‘Muslim other’. The paper has implications for socio-political, education and cultural setting and practices in society.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 408-431
Author(s):  
Irena Petrović ◽  
Marija Radoman

AbstractThe authors analyze the changes in value patterns—patriarchy, authoritarianism and nationalism—in Serbia in the context of the social changes that have marked the postsocialist transformation period. They focus on the extent and intensity of two sub-patterns within each of these three basic value patterns: private and public patriarchy, general and specific authoritarianism, organic (natural) and ethnic nationalism. The conclusions about changes in these value patterns are drawn on the basis of three empirical studies conducted in 2003, 2012, and 2018. They show the prevalence of private patriarchy, general authoritarianism, and organic (natural) nationalism over their counterparts. Private patriarchy has weakened, which is largely to be explained by the significant structural changes in Serbia. On the other hand, support of general authoritarianism and organic (natural) nationalism has been on the rise, which clearly mirrors the unfavorable economic and political situation in the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-343
Author(s):  
Frances Coppola

For the last 40 years, macroeconomics has been dominated by Milton Friedman’s view that inflation occurs when the supply of money rises more quickly than economic output – ‘too much money chasing too few goods’, as the saying goes. If inflation is always due to an imbalance of money supply and output, central banks alone determine the path of inflation, and fiscal policy merely has a redistributive function. This paper draws on historical and empirical evidence as well as recent theoretical literature to show that this view is mistaken. Monetary policy has redistributive effects, and fiscal policy affects the money supply. It is therefore impossible to separate them in practice. Both fiscal and monetary policy have inflationary consequences, and because their distributional effects are different, monetary policy cannot fully offset fiscal decisions. Fiscal and monetary policy are influenced by political decisions and are themselves political in nature. Since inflation reflects spending and saving patterns which are affected by political choices, it is fundamentally a political phenomenon.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-209
Author(s):  
A.A. ALEKSEYENOK ◽  
◽  
Yu.V. KAIRA ◽  

The purpose of the article is to determine the influence of the socio-economic and socio-political situation in the Orel region on the level of social tension. The research methodology is a sociological analysis of the respondents' answers about the socio-economic and socio-political situation in the region, as well as the level of social tension using two-dimensional analysis and correlation tables. As a result, the importance of conducting monitoring sociological studies of the main indicators of the social development of the region has been substantiated. It was revealed that the population of the region believes that the state of affairs in the economic sphere in the region is much worse than in the country as a whole. Despite the fact that the majority of respondents note an improvement in the political situation in the region, the fact that every third resident of the region declares that it has deteriorated is quite alarming. The authors come to the conclusion that dissatisfaction with the socio-political and socio-economic situation directly affects the civic position of the population, affects the growth of social tension. It is summarized that social tension is a complex multifactorial phenomenon that cannot be interpreted unambiguously. Therefore, to monitor it, constant research should be carried out.


Antiquity ◽  
1931 ◽  
Vol 5 (19) ◽  
pp. 277-290
Author(s):  
Flinders Petrie

When we look at the great diversity of man’s activities and interests, it is evident how much space they afford for reviewing his history in many different ways. To most of our historians the view of the political power and course of legislation has seemed all that need be noticed; others have dealt with history in religion, or the growth of mind in changes of moral standards, as in Lecky’s fine work. In recent years the history of knowledge in medicine, in the applied sciences, and in abstract mathematics, has been profitably studied, as affording the basis of civilization. The purely mental view is shown in the social life and customs of each age, and expressed in the growth of Art. This last expression of man’s spirit has great advantages in its presentation; the material from different ages is of a comparable nature, and it is easily placed together to contrast its differences. Moreover it covers a wider range of time than we can et observe in man’s scope, but it is as essential to his nature as any of the other aspects that we have named.


1995 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Minogue

LIKE MANY PEOPLE, I FIND KARL POPPER BOTH FASCINATING and irritating. His vigour and lucidity are irresistible, and no one could complain that he fails to engage with the big questions. The problems begin when we consider his political thought. Some think him one of the great liberal philosophers of the century. I on the other hand, while being fascinated by The Open Society and its Enemies, am repelled by the grossness of its caricaturing of most of the thinkers it touches. The Poverty of Historicism is a marvellous text in the philosophy of the social sciences, but the idea of historicism is a straw man. The paradox seems to be that while there is a lot that refers to the political questions of the day, there is virtually nothing which takes up issues of political philosophy directly. The result is that he seems to me always to be on the wrong foot, and my problem is to discover why.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Suyono Suyatno

Soneta di tangan dua penyair yang berbeda melahirkan kecenderungan yang berbeda pula. Soneta Sitor Situmorang cenderung lebih liris dan ekspresi estetiknya pun lebih setia pada konvensi soneta. Sementara itu, soneta Wing Kardjo cenderung naratif dan hanya memanfaatkan pola ekspresi soneta sambil memarodikannya. Kecenderungan memarodikan soneta bagi Wing Kardjo sejalan dengan keinginannya memarodikan situasi sosial politik di negeri ini. Kecenderungan liris pada soneta Sitor Situmorang tidak terlepas dari muatan soneta Sitor yang menampilkan persoalan-persoalan personal, terutama dalam hal relasi lelaki-perempuan. Di sisi lain, kecenderungan naratif soneta Wing Kardjo terkait dengan muatan soneta Wing Kardjo yang merupakan respon terhadap situasi sosial politik di negeri ini.Abstract:Sonnets in the hands of two different poets creat different tendencies. Sitor Situmorang’s sonnet tends to be more lyrical and aesthetic in its expression. It  is more faithful to those stated in the convention. Meanwhile, Wing Kardjo’s  tends to be  narrative and only make use of the expres- sion pattern of the sonnet while parodying it. Tendency of parodying  sonnet for  Wing Kardjo was in line with his desire for parodying social and political situation in the country. Lyrical tendencies in the  Sitor Situmoran’s sonnet cannot be separated from the type of  his work  depicting personal problems, especially, in the male-female relationships. On the other hand, the tendency of the Wing Kardjo ‘s  narrative sonnet is the content of  Wing Kardjo’s that   was a response to the social and political situation in the country.


ALQALAM ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 171
Author(s):  
Muhammad Iqbal

The Sunni doctrine plays an important role in the government. Its accommodative characteristic is something important that makes Sunni doctrine to be a device of the legitimation of the authority. The Muslim thinkers of classical Sunni such as al-Mawardi (975-1058 M), al-Ghazali (1058-1111 M) and lbn Taimiyah(1263-1329 M) have a great role in formulating the political doctrine of Sunni. In spite of the different nuance, all of these three classical Sunni thinkers develop the moderate political doctrine of Sunni. On the one hand, it is, of course, significant in situating the harmonious relation between the ruler and community. Therefore, the social and political stabilities will be well-maintained On the other hand, such a thought for a certain extent evokes stagnancy. Because there is no radical thought which is critical and opposite against the authority, the Sunni idea is frequently made use for the instantaneous interests of power. On evenlttally, the mutual interrelationship between the Sunni ulama and the ruler often happens. While ulama feel obtaining the patronage from the authority, the ruler gains religious justification from ulama. In this context, Indonesia as the country with the majority of Sunni Muslims, as a matter of fact, applies the political doctrine of Sunni. It is because Sunni has had a long and establishei root since. the period of Islamic kingdoms in the archipelago, before Dutch-Colonial period. The archipelago ulama also formulated the harmonious relation between Islam and authority as formulated by the ulama of classical Sunni. The polotical tradition of Sunni was becoming stronger in line with the great influence of ulama in the archipelago kingdoms. This article tries to elaborate the relation between the Sunni ulama with the power of the kings in the archipelago and the patronage of the archipelago rulers toward them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Amri Marzali

Ketuanan Melayu” is a conception of Malay political hegemony in Malaysia. The terminology was firstly introduced by a member of Parliament of Malaysia from the United Malay National Organization, namely Dato’ Abdullah Ahmad, in a speech offered at the Institute of Intenational Affairs, Singapura, Agustus 30, 1986. The speech was originally  aimed at countering the negative propaganda proposed by the Malaysian Indian and the Malaysian Chinese, who accused that the special socio-political privileges given to the indigenous Malaysian peoples in the Malaysia’s Constitution (partaicularly in article 153) and the affirmative discriminative New Economic Policy of 1971 have been a servere strategy to condemn the Indian and Chinese Malaysians. On the other hand, the Malays in Malaysia traced the idea of Malay political hegemony from the political situation in the period of Malay kingdom of Melaka in the 15th century. They considered the period of Melaka as the golden age of Malay political sovereignty in Selat Melaka. When Melaka was occupied by the Portuegese in the 16th century, and followed by the Dutch in the 17-18th centuries, the political sovereignty of the Malays in the Malaysian Peninsula was carried on by the newly subsequent Malay kingdoms, such as Johor, Kedah, Kelantan, and others. In this article, I proposed that what is now called Malay political hegemony could be compared to what was called beschikkingsrecht in Dutch language, in the colonial period of Indonesia. This terminology was introduced by an adat law scholar, van Vollenhoven, in 1905, referring to the sovereignty of the native peoples in Malay Archipelago over their land and political state. Lastly I find the debate on the Malay political hegemony in Malaysia recently, whether between the natives versus the immigrants, or between the ruling Malays versus the opposition Malays, are pertaining with 6 articles in the Constitution and Act of Malaysian Armforce of 1972. This set of rules is knownly called Wasiat Raja-raja Melayu (The Wasiat of the Malay Sultans). Therefore, I conclude, the Malay political hegemony is constitutionalized, thus it is unnecessary for the Malays to boasting it anymore. The real problems of the Malay political hegemony now in Malaysia rests on the way it has been implemented by the Malaysian government.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document