Modeling corruption perception effects on non-electoral participation in Morocco (2018-2019)

Theoretical literature has two competing theories about the effects of corruption on society: the first group sees corruption as something that "Greases the Wheels of" the administrative and economic systems of countries and the second group calls it something that "Sands the Wheels" of those systems. This study examines the direct and indirect effects of corruption perceptions among Moroccan citizens on the non-electoral participation using the fifth wave data of the Arab barometer, assuming the first group's ideas. The fifth wave of this data was obtained in 2019-2018 and surveyed 2400 Moroccan citizens. Testing the hypothesis through the SEM indicate that, first, corruption perception has a direct positive and significant effect on the citizens' negative evaluation of the government performance and it increases the political distrust among citizens indirectly and significantly. Secondly, the results indicate that although perceptions of corruption by citizens do not directly have a significant effect on non-electoral participation, because all the mediating variables are significant, it can be argued that perceptions of corruption can have a positive impact on the expansion of non-electoral participation among citizens indirectly and it can happen through the variables of poor government performance and political distrust.

Income Inequality, Social Mobility, and Electoral Participation in the US Counties: Revisiting the Inequality-Participation Nexus

Previous research has provided contested hypotheses about the impact of income inequality on electoral participation. This study reexamines the debate between conflict and relative power theories by focusing on a largely ignored factor: social mobility. We argue that social mobility conditions the inequality-participation nexus by alleviating the frustration, class conflict, and efficacy gaps between the rich and the poor that the prevailing theories assume income inequality to create. By utilizing the Cooperative Congressional Election Survey, we test this argument focusing on US counties. Our analysis confirms that the effects of income inequality on citizens’ likelihood of voting vary depending on mobility, suggesting that social mobility provides a crucial context in which income inequality can play out in substantially different ways. This article implies that more scholarly endeavors should be made to clarify the multifaceted structure of inequality for improving our understanding of the relationship between economic and political inequality.

A Great Wall? Migration, Political Socialisation and Political Participation among Chinese in New Zealand

<p>Chinese political participation is low by comparison with other migrant and ethnic groups despite high socioeconomic status. This suggests that other barriers to participation are present among this group. This study examines how pre- and post-migration political socialisation affect the electoral participation of Chinese in New Zealand. Fifteen one-on-one, in-depth interviews allowed me to consider the relationship between both length of residence and socialisation in a democratic versus non-democratic regime and electoral participation among this sample. In this case, analysis of each participant’s migration and political participation experiences revealed no correlation between either length of residence and socialisation in a democratic versus non-democratic regime and electoral participation, although it highlighted the significance of demographic factors such as age and life-cycle, and social capital and political interest for electoral participation. Few studies have focused on Chinese migrant political participation specifically in New Zealand and even fewer on the subject of Chinese electoral participation. However, understanding what drives and inhibits electoral participation among this group is both important for the development of New Zealand’s Asia-Pacific identity and ultimately as an indicator of the health of democracy in New Zealand.</p>

A Great Wall? Migration, Political Socialisation and Political Participation among Chinese in New Zealand

<p>Chinese political participation is low by comparison with other migrant and ethnic groups despite high socioeconomic status. This suggests that other barriers to participation are present among this group. This study examines how pre- and post-migration political socialisation affect the electoral participation of Chinese in New Zealand. Fifteen one-on-one, in-depth interviews allowed me to consider the relationship between both length of residence and socialisation in a democratic versus non-democratic regime and electoral participation among this sample. In this case, analysis of each participant’s migration and political participation experiences revealed no correlation between either length of residence and socialisation in a democratic versus non-democratic regime and electoral participation, although it highlighted the significance of demographic factors such as age and life-cycle, and social capital and political interest for electoral participation. Few studies have focused on Chinese migrant political participation specifically in New Zealand and even fewer on the subject of Chinese electoral participation. However, understanding what drives and inhibits electoral participation among this group is both important for the development of New Zealand’s Asia-Pacific identity and ultimately as an indicator of the health of democracy in New Zealand.</p>

Gender Gaps in Electoral Turnout: Surveys versus Administrative Censuses

Gender gaps in voter turnout are usually studied using opinion surveys rather than official census data. This is because administrative censuses usually do not disaggregate turnout according to voters’ sex. Without this official information, much of the research on gender gaps in electoral turnout relies on survey respondents’ self-reported behavior, either before or after an election. The decision to use survey data implies facing several potential drawbacks. Among them are the turnout overstatement bias and the attrition or nonresponse bias, both affecting the estimation of factors explaining turnout and any related statistical analysis. Furthermore, these biases may be correlated with covariates such as gender: men, more than women, may systematically overstate their electoral participation. We analyze turnout gender gaps in Chile, comparing national surveys with official administrative data, which in Chile are publicly available. Crucially, the latter includes the official record of sex, age, and the electoral behavior—whether the individual voted or not—for about 14 million registered individuals. Based on a series of statistical models, we find that analysis based on survey data is likely to rule out gender gaps in electoral participation. Carrying out the same exercises, but with official data, leads to the opposite conclusion, namely, that there is a sizable gender gap favoring women.

New Venezuela talks bring hope of gradual progress

Significance Norwegian-led dialogue efforts are an opportunity for Maduro and Guaido to navigate the lifting of devastating US economic sanctions and a long-term electoral opening. Impacts Broader involvement including civil society groups would help overcome acute polarity and improve ‘buy in’ to any potential agreement. The new US government will strengthen Venezuelan opposition groups that emphasise electoral participation over abstention and regime change. Norway will aim to shield the talks from the leaks, irreconcilable demands and partisan media mobilisation that eroded previous processes.