Number and Numeral Classifiers

This chapter describes various ways in which numeral classifiers interact with semantic number and number marking across languages. According to the Sanches–Greenberg–Slobin generalizations, languages in which the use of numeral classifiers is obligatory do not have obligatory number marking on nouns, and in the presence of numeral classifiers, nouns are normally not marked for number. An empirical and theoretical discussion of these generalizations is followed by a description of data from the Austronesian language Mokilese, an obligatory numeral classifier language with obligatory number marking on definite and indefinite markers. Finally, the chapter turns to number marking on classifiers (i.e. the form of the numeral classifier used with the numeral for ‘one’ differs from the form used with other numerals), as well as number marking by means of classifiers (i.e. cases where numeral classifiers play a role in the semantic number-marking strategies that a language has).

NP-ellipsis and numeral classifiers in Korean

The syntactic status of numeral classifiers with respect to NP-ellipsis in classifier languages has been a controversial subject in many recent discussions. Addressing this issue, this article argues that Korean numeral classifiers can serve as functional heads that license NP-ellipsis via PF-deletion. A null NP appearing in a numeral classifier context cannot be identified with any other null categories, such as a pro or a null NP pro-form. This null NP induces a different reading from a pro, especially when a possessor argument is stacked with a numeral classifier construction. Unlike an NP pro-form, it allows the extraction of an internal argument and exhibits a complementary distribution with kes ‘one’, a visible counterpart of a Korean NP pro-form. This article’s claim gains additional support from the asymmetries in NP-ellipsis of a uy-marked numeral classifier, contingent on its ambiguity, such as a ‘quantity’ or ‘property’ interpretation. In addition, the distribution of bare numerals in relation to the NP pro-form kes offers further evidence, reinforcing the claim.

Characteristics of numerals and classifiers in Darmdo Minyag

Based on first-hand data obtained during fieldwork, our article analyses numerals and frequently employed numeral classifiers of Darmdo Minyag. Numeral classifiers are obligated to follow a numeral when counting. There are three different roots for ‘ten’: /ɦa~ʁo/ used in the numbers 10–19; /ʁuɑ/ used in the numbers 20–49; and /ɡa/ used in the numbers 50–99. The presence of multiple roots for ‘ten’ with an initial glottal, uvular or velar stop or fricative has been attested in many languages of the Qiangic area. Although Tibetan forms may be used for all numerals, native forms 99 have been attested in Darmdo Minyag. The influence of Tibetan on cardinal and ordinal numerals, approximate, multiple and fractional numbers is noted as well. Darmdo Minyag has a rich inventory of sorting and mensural classifiers. Shape is the most important feature according to which nouns are categorized. Mensural classifiers may be divided into arrangement classifiers and units of measure. Units of measure are of two types: the first acts as a classifier, the second type is a [noun numeral+classifier] construction. Darmdo Minyag has two types of verbal action classifiers: several verbal action classifiers of unknown origin which modify semantically rich verbs, and numeral-verb combinations which modify a semantically empty verb. The main functions of classifiers are classification and individualization.

Variation in Classifier Languages

Chapter 5 develops a uniform account of bare nominal arguments (i.e., bare numeral classifier phrases, bare classifier phrases, bare nouns) in classifier languages. It achieves that by extending the scope of discussion to more classifier languages. It starts with three points on which Mandarin and Nuosu Yi differ and which make this comparison interesting from the perspective of building a theory of cross-linguistic variation. Their differences are: (i) whether or not they have the function category D in their grammar, (ii) whether or not they freely allow numeral-less classifier phrases to appear in argument positions, as a result of applying covert argument formation operations unrestrictedly, and (iii) whether or not they allow one-deletion from the [one Cl N] phrase in the PF. Three parameters based on these differences account for the variation.

Bare Numeral Classifier Phrases and Bare Nouns in Mandarin

Chapter 2 examines Mandarin numeral classifier phrases. It begins with a discussion of a list of tendentially universal properties of numeral-noun phrases in number marking languages (NMLs) like English and French and argues for a D-less analysis of them. It then shows that although numeral containing phrases in Mandarin differ a great deal from those in NMLs in the internal nominal domain, their scope behavior, interpretations, and distribution are rather similar to those of NMLs. It argues that the D-less analysis of numeral-noun phrases in NMLs can be extended to Mandarin numeral classifier phrases and further argues for a kind-referring analysis of Mandarin bare nouns. The proposed analysis of numeral classifier phrases correctly predicts the scope behavior of bare nouns in Mandarin and allows us to account for its numeral-less classifier phrases. This chapter concludes that it is not necessary to stipulate an empty D in Mandarin

Nominal Arguments and Language Variation

This book investigates nominal arguments in classifier languages. A long-held claim is that classifier languages do not have overt article determiners (D). This book, however, brings to the forefront the theoretical investigation on the typologically unique Nuosu Yi, a classifier language that will be shown to have an overt article determiner. By comparing nominal arguments in Nuosu Yi to those in Mandarin, the book provides a parametric account of variation among classifier languages and extends the account to argument formation in general. This book begins with a detailed examination of bare numeral classifier phrases in Mandarin by comparing them with bare numeral noun phrases in number marking languages, such as English, French, and Russian. The book argues for a unified structure of bare numeral containing phrases with no reference to D across languages as well as for a D-less structure for various types of nominal arguments in Mandarin. It further studies nominal argument formation in Nuosu Yi. The facts from Nuosu Yi essentially alter the landscape of empirical data and constitute an immediate (prima facie) challenge to the proposed analysis of nominal arguments based on the Mandarin data. This book argues that despite the fact that Nuosu Yi has an overt article determiner, this should not force us to change anything about the proposed analysis of nominal arguments. Lastly, the book puts the analysis of Mandarin and Nuosu Yi nominal arguments in a broader, cross-linguistic perspective and develops a parametric account of variation in nominal argument formation in general.

Numeral base, numeral classifier, and noun

Greenberg (1990a: 292) suggests that classifiers (clf) and numeral bases tend to harmonize in word order, i.e. a numeral (Num) with a base-final [n base] order appears in a clf-final [Num clf] order, e.g. in Mandarin Chinese, san1-bai3 (three hundred) ‘300’ and san1 zhi1 gou3 (three clf animal dog) ‘three dogs’, and a base-initial [base n] Num appears in a clf-initial [clf Num] order, e.g. in Kilivila (Eastern Malayo-Polynesian, Oceanic), akatu-tolu (hundred three) ‘300’ and na-tolu yena (clf animal-three fish) ‘three fish’. In non-classifier languages, base and noun (N) tend to harmonize in word order. We propose that harmonization between clf and N should also obtain. A detailed statistical analysis of a geographically and phylogenetically weighted set of 400 languages shows that the harmonization of word order between numeral bases, classifiers, and nouns is statistically highly significant, as only 8.25% (33/400) of the languages display violations, which are mostly located at the meeting points between head-final and head-initial languages, indicating that language contact is the main factor in the violations to the probabilistic universals.

Little cutie one piece

This study investigates emerging usages in Chinese cyberspace of the numeral classifier méi that violate syntactic and semantic conventions of canonical grammar of modern Chinese. We treat these usages as constructional variants of the canonical classifier construction and show how they afford users of Weibo a device of social indexicality in the sense of Silverstein (1976, 1985, 2003) and Eckert (2000, 2003, 2008). We argue that the constructional variants facilitate the creation of a cute, chic, playful, humorous, and youthful online style and that its popularity draws on multiple indexical resources including contrast to canonical grammar, contemporary language contact with Japanese, influence of the cuteness culture and its commodification, and consumerism in the digital economy. This study contributes to research on the linguistic construction of identity and style, linguistic creativity in the new media and digital culture, and usage-based constructionist approaches to language.