Kateb Quarterly Scientific Research journal
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The main aim of this study is to measure the extent of multidimensional poverty in Kabul and compare different areas. The research method is a survey. The data collection tool is a researcher-made questionnaire. The statistical population of the study is all households living in Kabul. Since the residents of Kabul is over 6 million people, we use Cochran's formula. We selected 300 families. According to the research background, the judges determined the validity of the questionnaire. We used Cronbach's Alpha calculation to determine the questionnaire's reliability. The value of which was (78.9%) on average for different sections. To perform statistical tests, we use SPSS software. The results show that generally, households in Kabul are not the poor according to the dimensions and criteria of multidimensional poverty; because the maximum deprivation rate is less than (40 %(. Partly, the highest poverty rates were related to the criteria such as (37%) deprivation in the roof of the house, (28.7%) deprivation in the wall of the house, (27.3%) deprivation of literacy in adults, and (18.8%) deprivation in the per capita room. The lowest deprivation rates were (0.3%) for electricity, (1%) for bathrooms, (2.3%) for children, (4.3%) for disability, (4.4%) for drinking water, (6.7%) for unemployment, (6.7%) for children, (8%) for household floors, and (9.7%) for health services. There are no restrictions on child labor, heating facilities, and cooking fuel. Also, among the surveyed areas, District 4 has the highest deprivation and poverty in terms of education, living standards, work, and housing compared to other selected areas of Kabul city.


The economic participation rate and education for women as a part of the human fund and human learning force can affect the economic growth of the country, that it mostly attracts the attention of investigators. To consider the importance of this issue; we have evaluated the effect of the economic participation rate and education for women on economic growth in the south of Asia. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between economic participation rate and women's education level on economic growth in 7 South Asian countries (Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Maldives, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and Nepal) during 2005-2017. To achieve the purpose of the research, the method of random effects has been used. The results show that during the study period, the rate of women's economic participation in South Asian countries had a negative impact on economic growth. The coefficient of this variable -2.920470 - shows that by increasing the economic participation rate of women by one percent, economic growth decreases by 2.92 percent. The coefficient of the intersection of women's education rate on women's economic participation rate is positive and significant so that the coefficient of this variable (2.153211) shows that with a one percent increase in women's education rate and its effect on women's economic participation rate, economic growth increases by 2.15 percent finds. Furthermore, the exchange rate with a coefficient (1.802102) has a significant effect on economic growth, that a one percent increase in the exchange rate, can increase economic growth by 1.8 percent. But the variables of inflation and the degree of trade openness do not affect economic growth.


The exchange rate is one of the most significant variables in the determination of export or import amount, and its shifts cause decrease and increase in the amount of foreign trade, so it is a prominent economic variable for trade policymaking in developing countries. This topic seeks to investigate the effect of exchange rate on Afghanistan’s do business with its partners that includes: Iran, Pakistan, India, and China. Data collected monthly from 2015 through 2017; and also time serious data used for analyses that there are one dependent variable and one independent variable. The ordinary least-squares (OLS) and generalized least squares (GLS) methods estimate 16 models. Results show that the exchange rate of trade partner of Afghanistan has insignificant effects on Afghanistan trade or Afghanistan exchange rate show unimportant effects on Afghanistan trade partners. In some models which coefficients are significant, the R2 is so small, and it shows a low level of explaining. 4 models are useful among the 16 models. Finally, we can say that the exchange rate of Afghanistan and its trade partners don’t affect the trade amount.


The purpose of national security is to defend the country against external threats. But the purpose of human security is to protect individuals and humans from all threats. In international security theories, the two are distinguished. Therefore, many schools and theories have commented on it. For example, the security theory of realism focuses on "national security" within the framework of "States", but the liberal security theory focuses on "human security" within the framework of the international system. But along with these theories, the role of the great powers cannot be ignored or threatened by national or human security. Throughout history, the conquering and superior powers have always fought for the weak countries. The backward and weak countries have never been immune to this kind of aggression. Therefore, in this paper, we will look for the most important question that is what role do the great powers play in challenging human security in weak countries? This study will analyze the role of powerful countries' intervention in the challenge of human security in the international system and especially in Afghanistan.


Keyword(s):  
The Real ◽  

Many of the contracts written by non-specialists who cannot set them correctly but sometimes it happened that the most accurate contracts need the interpretation, too. In this case, the parties may have to refer to the court and the judge is obligated to discover the real intention of parties. Courts for solving disputes arising from contracts, need specific rules to prevent disagreements. The rules of interpretation of the contracts in Afghan law and Iranian law are in two categories: inside rules that search in the text. The most important inside rules are positive interpretation (terms to be given effect), pay attention to the nature of the contract, analogy, and reference to the contract as a whole. The judges in Afghanistan and Iran do not limit themself to the contracts. They also pay attention to outside rules like the interpretation of the contracts in favor of promisor, good faith, the law, and contra proferentem rule. In Iranian law –despite Afghanistan- the rules of interpretation of the contracts are not explained and merely mentions scattered examples.


Today, Migration is one of the most common phenomena in Afghanistan. Undoubtedly, migration is not free of economic effects. Labor is one of the inputs of production and human capital is the main reason for economic growth and development of a country. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of international migration, migration and human development index on economic growth in Afghanistan. For this purpose, annual data of Afghanistan during the time period of (2003-2017) were investigated by using the Autoregressive-Distributed Lag (ARDL) method. The results show that in the short and long term, the human development index has a positive and significant effect on economic growth and the increase of the country's immigrants has a positive and significant effect on economic growth. Also, the increase in the number of out-migration has a negative and significant effect on economic growth, although no significant relationship was found in the long run.


The output gap reflects the economy performance of a country, thereby increase or decrease leads to inflation or stagnation. Production output gap can determine the direction of economic policy for growth of countries. The purpose of this study is to estimate the output gap and to investigate the impact of real exchange rate, export and import on it in Afghanistan during the years (2008-2017). The Hodrick-Prescott model is used to estimate the output gap and Vector auto regression (VAR) model is used to investigate the impact of 3 variables (real exchange rate, export, and import) on dependent variable (output gap). The data applied in this study was seasonal. Results show that Gross Domestic Product (GDP) had fluctuation during (2008-2017), relatedly real exchange rate had a positive effect, export and import had negative effects on the output gap. According to variance analysis, the real exchange rate had the highest effect and import had the lowest effect. At the end, based on the variance analysis results, the instant functions show that incoming momentum of output gap and exchange rate will cause strong fluctuations in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) trend, relatedly export and import cause weak fluctuation.


Political culture, as a part of public culture and a group of beliefs, virtues, norms and approaches with views to the political area, is one of the basic issues which has been paid attention and the subject of many researches, especially since the second half of the 20th century. The topic of this article is studying Afghanistan political culture as well as answering the question of which impacts it has had on Afghanistan political participation during the after-2001 years. Also, in this research, by using an analytic-descriptive method, at first, the definition of political culture and its features in Afghanistan are presented and then, the occurred changes in the indexes of Afghanistan political coopetation in the recent decades are studied too. Political culture, as the system of empirical beliefs, symbols, virtues and the norms, which are regarded as the foundation of political action and the political behaviours of the public people, parties and the government officials is one of the basic issues which has been considered and studied by many experts of politucal area for the recent era. The continuity and strength of any any kinds of cooperations depends on the society political culture origin as it is a very important factor for defining the political social identity of the public members and determining their views, virtues and norms toward politics and authority. Moreover, in this study, at first,the level of changes in the last-two-decade political culture of Afghanistan society is discussed and then its impact on political participation is analysed through explaining the tie between beliefs and behaviours as well as a case study over the political cooperarion increase.


In this paper, three commonly used concepts of political theology in different periods of the history of Western thoughts are briefly reviewd. The golden age of political thought in the west called most of the politics functions for theology as political theology. The political issue is considered as an autonomous and independent subject, which reserves the ability for itself to change theology. With the advent of Christianity and its influence on the political and governance pillars, this equation was reversed for centuries, and politics,as the theology servant,was identified as an ancestral affair. It is only in the modern times that Weber, by stating that science should be away from value, created a bedrock for political theology, in which it was not necessary to be a theologist to reach theology. In this context, Schmidt serves the concept of political theology in a sociological sense to serving to depict that the modern state, alongside with its preceding times, is a theological concept that has survived by omitting secular theology.


Political culture, as a part of public culture and a group of beliefs, virtues, norms and approaches with views to the political area, is one of the basic issues which has been paid attention and the subject of many researches, especially since the second half of the 20th century. The topic of this article is studying Afghanistan political culture as well as answering the question of which impacts it has had on Afghanistan political participation during the after-2001 years. Also, in this research, by using an analytic-descriptive method, at first, the definition of political culture and its features in Afghanistan are presented and then, the occurred changes in the indexes of Afghanistan political coopetation in the recent decades are studied too. Political culture, as the system of empirical beliefs, symbols, virtues and the norms, which are regarded as the foundation of political action and the political behaviours of the public people, parties and the government officials is one of the basic issues which has been considered and studied by many experts of politucal area for the recent era. The continuity and strength of any any kinds of cooperations depends on the society political culture origin as it is a very important factor for defining the political social identity of the public members and determining their views, virtues and norms toward politics and authority. Moreover, in this study, at first,the level of changes in the last-two-decade political culture of Afghanistan society is discussed and then its impact on political participation is analysed through explaining the tie between beliefs and behaviours as well as a case study over the political cooperarion increase.


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