The Influence of Socialism on English Politics

1888 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 549 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Clarke
Keyword(s):  

1975 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 349-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Sykes

Joseph Chamberlain's speech at Birmingham on 15 May 1903, which began the tariff reform campaign, produced divisions within the Unionist party on a scale unknown since the repeal of trie Corn Laws. Announced to a party tired and jaded after its difficulties in the conduct of the Boer War, imperial preference offered an outlet for frustrated imperialist idealism, a cause to which the enthusiasts of the party could devote themselves, ‘… in a few hours England, indeed the whole Empire, was in a ferment of indescribable excitement’ Enthusiasm for the new cause rapidly developed into intolerance towards any other opinion. In the summer of 1903 supporters and opponents of the new policy organized themselves into rival leagues: ‘For a decade the Unionist party, the great exemplar of political pragmatism, was consumed by ideological passion’. The epitome of this intolerance and ideological passion was the Confederacy, ‘this extraordinary phenomenon in English politics — a secret society with all the trappings of oaths, threats and codes’,s ‘a secret society of extremist wholehoggers … [which] … saw itself as the inquisitorial arm of the tariff reform movement…’ and whose avowed object was ‘to drive the enemies of tariff reform out of the Conservative party’.



1966 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 1342
Author(s):  
H. Donaldson Jordan ◽  
David Paul Crook


1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Chancey

On March 9, 1623, ten English merchants were beheaded on Amboyna in Indonesia by order of Harman van Speult, the Dutch governor of the island. They died accused of plotting to seize control of Fort Victoria, the island's stronghold, in order to take over the local spice trade. Considering the number of lives lost in the centuries of conflict between Dutch and British merchants in the East Indies, the incident on Amboyna seems in hindsight to have been a rather insignificant affair. Yet the occurrence played an important role in English politics under the early Stuarts, and influenced English/Dutch relations for a century.News of the incident, which the English came to know as the Amboyna Massacre, reached England on May 29, 1624, and caused a diplomatic dilemma. James I, who was negotiating an alliance with the Netherlands against Spain, chose to deal with the situation through diplomacy rather than military reprisals, a position his son supported. It was a decision for which neither the Stuarts' contemporaries nor their modern chroniclers would forgive them. John Chamberlain, the friend and correspondent of many important court figures, wrote in July 1624 that he hoped James would “say lesse so he would do more” to make the Dutch pay for insulting English honor. By February of the next year, he was lamenting that he had “knowne the time when they [the Dutch] durst not have offered the least of those indignities we have lately swallowed and indured.” Chamberlain's belief that James's policy consisted primarily of inaction, and that it played into the hands of the Dutch, has been a popular theme in modern accounts.



Author(s):  
Timothy Bolton

This chapter discusses how Cnut's sudden death left no clear path of succession, and two heirs by different mothers—both of whom had spent considerably more time in Denmark than in England. Initial events were framed by circumstance, in that Harthacnut appears to have had no deputy he could trust to hold Denmark in his stead, and so was forced to remain there after his father's death. This left the way open for Harold Harefoot and his mother, Ælfgifu of Northampton, to return from obscurity to English politics. Harthacnut's mother, Emma, was also in England, but without a resident royal heir to promote amongst the English elites she was powerless.



1966 ◽  
Vol LXXXI (CCCXVIII) ◽  
pp. 26-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. BEATTIE
Keyword(s):  


1981 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Glat

The most common assumption made about John Locke's historical sense is that he had none. In his lifetime, Locke was many things: a doctor, a philosopher, a political theorist, a policymaker and a biblical scholar. But few, if any, would say that Locke was a historian as well. Unlike Hobbes before him and Hume after him, Locke would write no history of England or of English politics. My intention in this paper then is not to make the claim that he was a “historian” in the strict sense of the word. I would therefore agree with John Pocock when he writes that Locke was the only major political writer of his age who did not try “to understand English politics through the history of English law (and English political institutions).”



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