CIVIL GOVERNOR M.M. OREUS IN THE SERVICE IN THE VYBORG (FINLAND) PROVINCE IN 1799–1804

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-46
Author(s):  
T.V. BOGDANOVA ◽  

The purpose of the article is to review the activities of the civil governor M.M. Oreus in the service in the Vyborg (Finland) province in 1799–1804. The guarantee of an effective mechanism of admin-istration creation as for over than 200-year period of the Russian Empire existence, as for modern conditions, it was and still is the effectiveness of the government policy on the ground. Based on this key task, the most important condition for its implementation at different stages of the development of the country was the effective selection of personnel for the post of a governor. It was the governor responsible for everything happened in his province, and the government expected him to under-stand the tasks assigned to him and take definite steps to solve them. The urgent management problem in these conditions was the strength of administrative resources capable of retaining their effective power in cases of emerging extraordinary situations, including which, will be discussed in this article. Emergency situations in the border areas occurred regularly and required the ob-servance of certain administrative traditions that influenced the success of the governor's initiatives in state tasks implementation. It will be all the more important to consider the history of the life and activities of one of the governors of the Finland (Vyborg) province, Maxim Maksimovich Oreus, who was at the head of this territory from December 14, 1799 to April 9, 1804.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
И.Т. Марзоев

The process of integration of the Caucasian peoples into a single Russian judicial-administrative and socio-economic system of statehood was one of the most relevant in the Russian Empire in the first half and middle of the XIXth century. For its implementation, the government of the state was undertaking both administrative, socio-cultural and economic measures. An importantcomponent of this process was the sphere of economical and rational land use. Mountain feudal lords were endowed with land ownership on the foothill plain. In the first half of the XIXth century, many Ossetian feudal lords with their relatives and subservient peasants began to move from the mountains to the flat lands allocated to them by the Russian administration in the Caucasus. The formation of one of the large Ossetian villages on the plain is associated with the name of the Tagaur Aldar, Lieutenant Beslan-Hadji Surkhaovich Tulatov (17931864).This study examines the pedigree of Beslan Tulatov, who came from the privileged class of the Tagaur Society of North Ossetia - the Tagaur Aldar. His fate is inextricably linked with the Russian army. For his courage, zeal and participation in various kinds of expeditions, he was awarded several orders and medals, and in 1834 promoted to ensign, which gave him the rights of a hereditary nobleman. The data on the service and merits to the Russian government of other representatives of this branch of the Tulatovs family is also given. Particular attention is paid to marriages concluded by the Tulatovs with the Ossetian and Kabardian aristocracy.The materials of the article significantly supplement the history of North Ossetia in the first half of the XIXth century, and also contribute to deeper and more updated study of the genealogy of the privileged stratum of the Tagaur Society of North Ossetia of the Tagaur Aldars.


Author(s):  
Alla Namazova

The author analyses the initial period of the history of diplomatic relations between Russia and the Kingdom of Belgium, from 1853 onwards. The essay is based on the study of diplomatic documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The author focuses on Russia’s important role in the international recognition of the independence of Belgium: after the Belgian Revolution of 1830, the former was one of the great powers which guaranteed, through international legal acts, the existence of a young neutral Belgian state. The close dynastic ties between the House of Romanov and the royal family of Belgium, House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, especially between the Romanovs and the first King of the Belgians, Leopold I. The latter took up a military career in the Imperial Russian Army (1812–1815), gained a certain degree of credibility at the Imperial Court in St. Petersburg; the personal correspondence established between the two ruling Houses helped to strengthen Russian-Belgian relations. Official documents of this period demonstrate that Brussels was strategically important as an information centre where information from the nearest European capitals was accumulated. That is why the Russian Foreign Ministry approached the selection of diplomatic personnel for the Russian representation in Brussels with special care, as evidenced by the guidelines of the Foreign Ministry to envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary cited in the article. The author also gives close attention to the life and work of the Belgian envoy in St. Petersburg, Count Camille de Briey, and the first Russian envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary in Brussels in 1853–1869, namely Count Mikhail Khreptovich and Prince Nikolay Orlov, as well as Alexandr Rikhter, who contributed to the development of friendly relations between the two countries.


10.33287/1192 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 16-24
Author(s):  
O. В. Мірошниченко

The paper is devoted to the main stages of the legal status the Old Believers in Ukraine, in particular in the Katerinoslav’s region. The main reason for the appearance of them is the settlement of new, annexed lands to the Russian Empire. As you know, the Old Believers appear after the reform of the church, which was conducted by Patriarch Nikon. Since its inception and for more than one century, the Old Believers have been a “disagreeable” mass of the population of the Russian Empire, with which both the government and the dominant church have fought. As the history of oppression, persecution, and conclusion did not yield the expected results: the Old Believers continued to practice the old faith. The paper describes the time of the XVIII-XIX centuries. In the XVIII century the territory of the Katerinoslav’s Governorate was settled by Old Believers and they influenced the other national and religious communities of the province. Relations between Old Believers and the authority was very tense and inconstant. For two centuries, there has been a warming of relations, to a noticeable confrontation on the part of officials. The authorities were not consistent in their actions towards the Old Believers, each of the rulers had their own plans and thoughts about the Old Believers. But they all tried to quickly eliminate the manifestations of a split in society by all available methods. A certain liberalization came during the reign of Catherine II, but with the accession to the throne of Nicholas I, the loyalty to the Old Believers ended. The repressive policy of the government regarding the followers of the old faith were suspended for Alexander II, and it was only in 1905 the Old Believers gained religious freedom.


Author(s):  
I. G. Adoneva ◽  
◽  
Yu. V. Druzhinina ◽  

The article is devoted to resolving the issue of how the legal intellectual elite of the period under review understood the imperial power, its origin, capabilities and authorities. The legal professorship formed an outwardly consistent discourse between the theoretical aspects of state law and the content of the Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire: teachers had to justify and explain the existence of the unlimited power of the monarch. They analyzed the courses of state law developed by nine professors of the Imperial Universities and the School of Law. The methodological basis of this study is the history of intellectual culture as an analysis of legal ideas and discourses in the context of the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. The power of the emperor is characterized by the authors of textbooks in a section that is most often called «On the Supreme Power». Russian autocracy was described by jurists in a conceptual and categorical apparatus borrowed from their European colleagues. Legal scholars were looking for a balance between their own personal and scientific ideas and the form of government that existed in the Russian Empire. Despite the differences in the political outlook, they saw the reason for the Russian autocracy in the historical development: a vast territory, low population density, and the virtual absence of a struggle between the government and society. For state scholars closely associated with Western jurisprudence, who shared its values, it was important to emphasize the belonging of the Russian Empire to the European world, where a skeptical view of the Russian monarchy remained. This way out was the idea of legality. Without disputing the content of the «Fundamental State Laws» and guided by censorship considerations, the professors tried to convey to the student university audience the idea that the bureaucratic apparatus formed in the empire is a natural limiter of the imperial power; the legal framework is an obstacle to despotism, and the judiciary is in fact independent. This kind of theoretical constructs became a compromise between the preservation of absolute monarchical power and the worldview of those jurists who shared liberal values


Movoznavstvo ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 319 (4) ◽  
pp. 17-44
Author(s):  
S. O. VERBYCH ◽  

during the Turkish-Tatar (Nogai) history of this region. Much attention is given to the genetic Turkic names, which the Bulgarian settlers moved to a new place of residence from their homeland in the late XVIII — in the first half of the XIX century, and which were renamed during 1944‒1945. It is specially noted formation of the oikonomy of Odessa region during the end of XV‒XVIII centuries took place in a Turkic-speaking environment. This is confirmed by names of settlements such as Akmangit, Bugaz, Karamahmet, Tatarbunary, etc., which appeared here. It should be stressed that the stable linguistic and ethnic situation in this area was disturbed by the Russian-Turkish wars of 1768‒1774, 1787‒1791, 1806‒1812, 1828‒1829, as a result of which, with the assistance of the government of the Russian Empire, the processes of foreign development of this territory intensified, primarily immigrants from across the Danube, who brought here from their land many Turkic names, such as: Burguji (now Vynohradivka Bolgrad district), Iserli (Esirli; now Vilne Bolgrad district). Such names of settlements organic supplemented mainly the Turkish-Tatar component of the local oikonymicon. The greatest changes in the oiconymic system of Odessa region took place in the Soviet period, after 1944, when the new government initiated the renaming of the so-called unsympathetic and etymologically opaque names of Turkic origin. As a result of such administrative intervention, many historical oikonyms disappeared, for example: Anadolu became Dolynsky (now Izmail district), Tashlyk became Kamyansky (now Bolgrad district), Turlak became Vypasny (now Belgorod-Dniester district), and so on. From etymological and structural-semantic analysis of genetically Turkic oikonyms of Odessa region, one may conclude that most of the renamed names do not take into account either the derivational model, according to which the primary oikonym was introduced, or the internal form (appellate meaning) of its solid basis, which led to the appearance of random, artificial names. In independent Ukraine, especially in the Odessa region, the process of restoring the historical names of settlements continues, it is necessary to intensify it, to return the settlements to their original, historically formed, names.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-102
Author(s):  
Tony ROCCHI

Introduction. This article examines the role and significance of the revolutionary populist socialist organization The People’s Will in the history of political terrorism in the Russian Empire.Methods. Two waves of political terrorism took place in the Russian empire between 1878 and 1894 and 1894 and 1916. The first wave of terrorism was dominated by the People’s Will whose major accomplishment was the assassination of Tsar Alexander II on March 1, 1881. By contrast, many left-wing parties and movements participated in the massive second wave, particularly in the Revolution of 1905-1907. However, elements of continuity dominated the second wave of terrorism largely due to the work of the People’s Will in determining goals and tactics of terrorism.Results. The People’s Will acquired such an aura of perfection and self-sacrifice that future terrorists could not change their goals and tactics out of fear of betraying the legacy of this organization. The legacy of the People’s Will shaped not only the goals and tactics of the terrorists of the second generation, but also the responses of liberals, conservatives, and the government in both waves of terrorism. Terrorism in both waves was often used by different groupings in the government and political classes to advance their political goals and justify their responses to the terrorist threat.Conclusions. The People’s Will still holds a unique place in the history of terrorism in the modern world. However, objective study of the People’s Will is still difficult because the historiography of this organization for more than 140 years has included huge elements of myth-making and many blank spaces.


Author(s):  
Natal'ya Borisovna Selunskaya

Russian history of the early XX century marks a landmark event – establishment of the State Duma, which was the “representation of people” in the government system of the Russian Empire and the emergence parliamentarism in Russia. The “memory studies” methodology elucidates the dramatic history of the State Duma by describing behavioral patterns of the deputies and motivation for their actions, as well as offers a new perspective on this institution of power as the image imprinted in memory of the deputies: diary notes during sessions of the Duma, and memoirs written abroad. The historians dealing with the “memory studies” genre bring the image of “era” to the forefront: historical events in the perception of their contemporaries, participants, witnesses, as well as individual experience, rational assessments, and emotional experiences captured in the diaries, correspondence, and memoirs, which are the sources for studying historical memory. These texts trace the dependence of life path of the deputies, representatives of the Russian political elite, and their personal stories on the fate of the Russian Empire. Such “dependence” is manifested in the chain “memory-identity-trauma”, which is the focus of attention in “memory studies”.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Tyshkevych

The article represents the Ukrainian-language newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate of the early XX century and defines their role in the socio-political life of that time. It should be noted, that out of more than 100 publications, only 9 were in Ukrainian. Despite constant persecution by the tsarist administration, Ukrainian-language newspapers covered all aspects of Ukrainian life under the rule of the Russian Empire. Ukrainian-language newspapers monitored the development of society and the influenced on the formation of the national consciousness of ethnic Ukrainians. The object of the research is aspects of the political life of Ukrainians on the pages of publications: "Hromadska Dumka", "Rada", "Borot'ba", "Slovo", "Selo", "Zasiv", "Mayak", "Svitova Zirnytsia." The mentioned newspapers were published in different periods, but are a valuable source for studying the history of Ukraine at the beginning of the XX century. The purpose of the article is to study the political orientation, the language of publications, and the frequency of Ukrainian-language newspapers in the Kyiv General Governorate in the early XX century. By summing up the role of newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate at the beginning of the XX century, it should be noted, that out of more than 100 publications, published in the Volyn Governorate, Kyiv Governorate, Podil Governorate, only 8 were Ukrainian-language. Nevertheless, despite constant persecution by the tsarist administration, the newspapers reflected all aspects of Ukrainian life under the control of the Russian Empire. Newspaper publications reflected the life of the Ukrainian community while influencing the formation of the national identity of ethnic Ukrainians [1]. It seems that no issue of Ukrainian national life has escaped their pages. Even the slightest manifestation of the cultural or political life of Ukrainians under the government of the Russian Empire found a response in the pages of publications in "Hromadska Dumka", "Rada", "Borot'ba", "Slovo", "Selo", "Zasiv", "Mayak", "Svitova Zirnytsia." Although the mentioned newspapers were published in different periods, they are a valuable source for studying the history of Ukraine in the early XX century, testify to the growth of national and cultural revival of the Ukrainian people in Russian Ukraine. The study can be applied to prepare students and graduates in the field of Historical Sciences and Culturology. The newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate (Volyn, Kyiv, and Podil Governorate) of the early XX century were researched and systematized by language, circulation, and frequency of publication for the first time. The study can be the basis for further research of the Ukrainian periodicals for the period from 1800 to 1861 of the XIX century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (91) ◽  
pp. 10-18
Author(s):  
A. A. Sapunkov ◽  

The article considers the history of the formation of the system of General courts of the post-reform St. Petersburg judicial district on the territory of three provinces of the Russian Empire: St. Petersburg, Novgorod and Pskov. The system of formation of General district courts (judicial chamber, 6 district courts) and subsequent reorganization of the district structure was studied. In 1878 was disbanded on 2 County court (Ustyinsky bilozers'kyi) and simultaneously open the Cherepovets district court, were reallocated border jurisdiction within the County and transferred part of the territory in the jurisdiction of the Moscow judicial district. System interaction in the opening of "new ships" with the re-formation of the bodies of the Imperial law to the court (prosecutors and judicial investigators) or the judiciary (bailiffs, lawyers, notaries). Little-studied issues are pointed out: mergers and disbanding of pre-reform courts, unrealized plans to open judicial bodies: 1) selection of buildings for the district courts in St. Petersburg province in the cities Luga, Peterhof, Gdov, Yamburg and New Ladoga; 2) the comments of the Minister of justice against plans by the placing district courts in the province of Novgorod in the cities of Cherepovets and Somyn; 3) unrealized remarks by the interior Minister with a proposal to include the Tikhvin uyezd, Novgorod province to the jurisdiction of the St. Petersburg district court, and Gdov County of St. Petersburg province to the jurisdiction of the Pskov regional court. The legal framework regulating the system of formation of the post-reform St. Petersburg judicial district was studied. We used archival materials that were not introduced into scientific circulation in publications on this topic. The final conclusion is that the collected material makes it possible to develop a systematic understanding of the process of implementing the judicial reform of 1864.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 293-317
Author(s):  
Protopriest Alexander Romanchuk

The article studies the system of pre-conditions that caused the onset of the uniat clergy’s movement towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the beginning of the 19th century. The author comes to the conclusion that the tendency of the uniat clergy going back to Orthodoxy was the result of certain historic conditions, such as: 1) constant changes in the government policy during the reign of Emperor Pavel I and Emperor Alexander I; 2) increasing latinization of the uniat church service after 1797 and Latin proselytism that were the result of the distrust of the uniats on the part of Roman curia and representatives of Polish Catholic Church of Latin church service; 3) ecclesiastical contradictions made at the Brest Church Union conclusion; 4) division of the uniat clergy into discordant groups and the increase of their opposition to each other on the issue of latinization in the first decades of the 19th century. The combination of those conditions was a unique phenomenon that never repeated itself anywhere.


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