Evaluation of the political affiliation of online participants in online political discussion of online news forums during the 2014 South African elections

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-47
Author(s):  
Lungisani Moyo ◽  
Osunkunle O. Oluyinka
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan G. Voelkel ◽  
Dongning Ren ◽  
Mark John Brandt

The political divide is characterized by liberals and conservatives who hold strong prejudice against each other. Here we introduce one possible strategy for reducing political prejudice: political inclusion. We define political inclusion as receiving a fair chance to voice one’s opinions in a discussion of political topics with political outgroup members. This strategy may reduce political prejudice by inducing perceptions of the political outgroup as fair and respectful; however, such a strategy may also highlight conflicting attitudes and worldviews, thereby further exacerbating prejudice. In three preregistered studies (total N = 799), we test if political inclusion reduces or increases prejudice toward the political outgroup. Specifically, political inclusion was manipulated with either an imagined scenario (Study 1) or a concurrent experience in an ostensible online political discussion (Studies 2 & 3). Across all studies, participants who were politically included by political outgroup members reported reduced prejudice toward their outgroup compared to participants in a neutral control condition (Cohen’s d [-0.27, -0.50]). This effect was mediated by perceptions of the political outgroup as fairer and less dissimilar in their worldviews. Our results indicate that political discussions that are politically inclusive do not cause additional prejudice via worldview conflict, but instead give others a feeling of being heard. It is a promising strategy to reduce political prejudice.


Information ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Mahdi Hashemi

Disinformation campaigns on online social networks (OSNs) in recent years have underscored democracy’s vulnerability to such operations and the importance of identifying such operations and dissecting their methods, intents, and source. This paper is another milestone in a line of research on political disinformation, propaganda, and extremism on OSNs. A total of 40,000 original Tweets (not re-Tweets or Replies) related to the U.S. 2020 presidential election are collected. The intent, focus, and political affiliation of these political Tweets are determined through multiple discussions and revisions. There are three political affiliations: rightist, leftist, and neutral. A total of 171 different classes of intent or focus are defined for Tweets. A total of 25% of Tweets were left out while defining these classes of intent. The purpose is to assure that the defined classes would be able to cover the intent and focus of unseen Tweets (Tweets that were not used to determine and define these classes) and no new classes would be required. This paper provides these classes, their definition and size, and example Tweets from them. If any information is included in a Tweet, its factuality is verified through valid news sources and articles. If any opinion is included in a Tweet, it is determined that whether or not it is extreme, through multiple discussions and revisions. This paper provides analytics with regard to the political affiliation and intent of Tweets. The results show that disinformation and extreme opinions are more common among rightists Tweets than leftist Tweets. Additionally, Coronavirus pandemic is the topic of almost half of the Tweets, where 25.43% of Tweets express their unhappiness with how Republicans have handled this pandemic.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
Cynthia H. Enloe

Virtually all of the literature concerning the politics of South Africa analyzes the dynamics of that system within the frameworks of racism, authoritarianism, and repression. Yet, strangely, the political institution which is necessarily the bulwark of such a system—the military—has attracted scant attention except in terms of strategy and armaments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 278
Author(s):  
Angga Prawadika Aji ◽  
Ari Sapto

Reader’s comment columns on online political news pages are locations where political discussions between citizens can emerge and develop. The reader comment column is a standard feature of almost all media sites because of its ability to initiate discussion and promote a particular article or issues within the news site. Unfortunately, in its development, the online comment column’s discussion process is often filled by incivility and disrespectful expressions, such as sentences containing insults, condemnation, or expressions full of anger. Such sentences have the potential to undermine the discussion process and encourage pointless arguments, especially in articles that discuss political polarity. This study aims to determine the extent to which incivility and disrespectful expressions appear in readers’ comments columns of online news sites, especially on polarized political issues. This study uses content analysis techniques on 403 comments in political news on Detik.com, one of Indonesia’s main news portals. The results show that although the incivility expression shows a small number, the form of disrespectful shows a high number in the readers’ comments. The highest form of the expression of disrespectful is the expression tat contains name-calling (23%), followed by hyperbole (15.6%) and the use of sarcasm (6.2%). The high number of disrespectful expressions seems to be related to the comment column service feature that allows users to use anonymous identities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Rahmad Saputra ◽  
Muradi Muradi ◽  
Leo Agustino

The purpose of this study is to look at how the relationship between local parties and national parties has not been revealed publicly, analyze the objectives of Aceh Party affiliation with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections and Analyze what strategies Aceh parties play in affiliating with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods. Data collection techniques to be carried out in this study consisted of semi-structured interviews, observations, and documentation studies to find out the purpose of the political affiliation of Aceh party cadres to national parties. Through this research, it was found that the Aceh Party continues to strive to consistently fight for the interests of Aceh, especially in the issue of special autonomy that has not yet been realized. Then the Aceh Party as a local party that won the General Election in Aceh since 2009 has continued to try to maintain the acquisition of seats and expand the interests of the party, especially at the national level by placing its cadres in the national party.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Baihaki Baihaki

The study focuses on the discussion of a political polemic which has led to theological disputes and has subsequently created various types of interpretations of the Qur’ān. In this context, the author limits the discussion into three main treasures, namely Sunnī, Shī‘ah, and Mu‘tazilah. The polemic commenced due the succession process of Abu Bakr’s caliphate. It has been known that the Sunnī group claimed Abu Bakr as the successor of the Prophet Muhammad, while the Shī‘ah people demanded ‘Alī b. Abī Ṭālib as the one who possesses right to be the successor of the Prophet. Different political affiliation has consequently led to different interpretations of the Holy texts produced by these different groups. It is, therefore, interesting to observe how the similar Qur’anic verses are interpreted differently. Comparing inter-stream interpretations of the Qur’ān will show us the difference and contestation of meaning among them. This article will demonstrate how an interpreter of al-Qur’ān has been always influenced by the context of his/her historical background and expertise, including the political ideology he or she affiliated to.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Blair Rutherford

Abstract This paper examines Zimbabwean immigrants in northern South Africa and the ways through which they are able to claim, or not, some form of belonging. Drawing on the concept of “political subjectivity”, I trace the changes in the power relations shaping the forms of belonging operating on the commercial farms and the border town of Musina since 2000 and the concomitant shifts in some of the Zimbabweans’ tactics in these spaces. In particular, I look at the political subjectivities of “Zimbabwean farm workers” and “Zimbabwean woman asylum-seekers”. This analysis shows what particular imaginaries have become authoritative for differently situated Zimbabwean immigrants and denizens in this region, enabling particular claims for resources, accommodation, and belonging.


2021 ◽  
pp. 2-25
Author(s):  
Fiona Tregenna ◽  
Arabo K. Ewinyu ◽  
Arkebe Oqubay ◽  
Imraan Valodia

This chapter discusses the key characteristics and core challenges of the South African economy in the post-apartheid era. South Africa shares some commonalities with other African and middle-income economies, yet has a unique history and some distinctive economic features. South Africa’s economic complexities and challenges are discussed here with reference to six comparator countries. We examine South Africa’s growth path, considering the low rates of economic growth as well as the lack of structural transformation and the unsustainable and non-inclusive nature of this growth. The ‘triple challenges’ of poverty, inequality, and employment are both a manifestation of the nature of this growth path and a constraint on overall growth. This is also briefly evaluated in the context of the political economy and policy context of growth and development in South Africa. The chapter reviews South African economic data, with a focus on microeconomic survey data.


Author(s):  
Margot Buchanan

This chapter examines the independence referendum debate on Facebook and Twitter before and after polling day, noting the multi-modal nature of communication on social media through the use of visual forms such as photographs and video clips. It analyzes the Yes for Scotland and Better Together Facebook and Twitter accounts and notes the participative nature of social media in the political context, reaching many who may not normally be receptive to political discussion. The chapter discusses specific web and social media presences such as the highly visible Wings over Scotland, and notes demographic tendencies among social media users, also considering the fashion in which they respond to each other online critically about traditional media political coverage. The discussion additionally looks at how social media use encourages continued campaigning beyond the phase of electoral results.


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