Words matter: Analyzing lexical effects on recognition and effort using normed word stimuli

Abstract The maze task (Forster, Guererra & Elliot, 2009; Forster, 2010) is designed to measure focal lexical and sentence processing effects in a highly controlled manner. We discuss how this task can be modified and extended to provide a unique opportunity for the investigation of lexical effects in sentence context. We present results that demonstrate how the maze task can be used to examine both facilitation and inhibition effects. Most importantly, it can do this while leaving the target sentence unchanged across conditions. This is an advantage that is not available with other paradigms. We also present new versions of the maze task that allow for the isolation of specific lexical effects and that enhance the measurement of lexical recognition through visual animation. Finally, we discuss how the maze task brings to the foreground the extent to which complex multi-layered priming and inhibition are intrinsic to sentence reading and how the maze task can tap this complexity.

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Some lexical effects in a generalized phoneme monitoring task

The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America ◽

10.1121/1.2029884 ◽

1991 ◽

Vol 89 (4B) ◽

pp. 2010-2011

Author(s):

Scott E. Lively ◽

David B. Pisoni

Keyword(s):

Monitoring Task ◽

Lexical Effects ◽

Phoneme Monitoring

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Lexical effects on nasal coda neutralization in Taiwan Mandarin.

The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America ◽

10.1121/1.3588995 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 129 (4) ◽

pp. 2682-2682

Author(s):

Yingshing Li

Keyword(s):

Taiwan Mandarin ◽

Lexical Effects

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The Revised Alternation Condition in Lexical Phonology

Nordic Journal of Linguistics ◽

10.1017/s0332586500001633 ◽

1987 ◽

Vol 10 (2) ◽

pp. 151-164 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Gregory K. Iverson

Keyword(s):

Lexical Effects ◽

Alternation Condition ◽

Lexical Phonology

The present paper makes a case for retention of the (Revised) Alternation Condition in Lexical Phonology, a theory in which any single rule which presebts beytralizing, lexical effects restricted to derived forms along with allophonic, derivationally unterstricted dffects is cominally impossible. However, Korean obstruent palatalization does display both of these properties, whereby /t, th/ neutralize with /ĉ, ĉh/ before [i], but only if the [i] occurs in another morpheme (cf. /path + i/→ [paĉhi] ‘field-SUBJ’ vs. monomorphemic [pathi] ‘endure’), whereas / s / acquires the palatal allophone [∫[ before [i] both within ([∫i] ‘poem’) and between (/os + i/→ [o∫i] ‘cloth-SUBJ’) morphemes. The Revised Alternation Condition alone imposes just this restriction on a single palatalization rule functioning both lexically and post-lexically in Korean, which suggests that its removal from the theory is premature.

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