The complex link between length and lowering

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-315
Author(s):  
Noam Faust
Keyword(s):  
Government Phonology ◽  
Vowel Lengthening ◽  
High Vowels ◽  
Palestinian Arabic

Abstract In both Palestinian Arabic and Qaraqosh Neo-Aramaic, high vowels lower and lengthen in the _C# position. This paper analyzes this phenomenon in the framework of Government Phonology (Kaye et al. 1990) and Strict CV (Lowenstamm 1996, Scheer 2004). It is claimed that in both languages, phonological considerations require additional length to be realized in this position (under certain conditions). However, this length cannot be realized through vowel lengthening, and so an element A is inserted. The fusion of the high vowel with A produces the lowered quality. Lengthening and lowering are therefore related, possibly because lowered high vowels are more complex than high vowels.

Homorganic Cluster Lengthening, Pre-Cluster Shortening and Preference-based change in Early English

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-110
Author(s):  
William W. Kruger
Keyword(s):  
Middle English ◽  
Old English ◽  
Consonant Clusters ◽  
Vowel Lengthening ◽  
High Vowels ◽  
Early English

Abstract This paper discusses the processes of Homorganic Cluster Lengthening (HCL) and Pre-Cluster Shortening (PCS) occurring in the late Old English and Early Middle English periods. These processes are responsible, respectively, for vowel-lengthening before voiced homorganic consonant clusters (OE bindan, feld, hund > LOE/EME bīnd, fēld, hūnd) and vowel shortening before other clusters (OE cēpte, fīfta, brōhte > ME kepte, fifte, brohte). This paper builds on reassessments of data by Minkova (2014) to contribute an account of HCL within the system of “preference laws” articulated by Vennemann (1988). This account attributes the motivation for HCL to preferences for syllable-internal transitions between nucleus and coda in order to explain the fine details of HCL; namely, the fact that HCL applies with higher frequency to high vowels followed nasals than to low/mid vowels and in a sporadic manner to front vowels followed by /l/ compared to back vowels. These differences are attributed to the application of the Coda and Nucleus Laws (Vennemann 1988: 25, 42), with additional proposals about the effect of velarization of /l/ in Old English, with comparison to PCS providing important context throughout.

Tense? (Re)lax!

2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-71
Author(s):  
Markus A. Pöchtrager
Keyword(s):  
General Theory ◽  
Basic Structure ◽  
Government Phonology ◽  
Vowel Height

AbstractThis article looks at what is referred to as the tense/lax contrast in English and proposes that members of the two sets of vowel have the same basic structure but differ in how part of that structure is made use of by its neighbours. The proposal forms part of a general theory of the representation of vowel height within the framework of Government Phonology 2.0.

Asian tongue root systems

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry van der Hulst
Keyword(s):  
Root Systems ◽  
Language Group ◽  
High Vowels

This chapter is devoted to tongue root (ATR or RTR) harmony in Tungusic languages (a.o. Classical Manchu) and Mongolian languages (Khalka and Buriat), which all belong the Altaic language group. In addition to TR-harmony, most Tungusic and Mongolian languages also have a limited form of labial harmony, especially among low vowels. After discussing the Tungusic and Mongolian systems the chapter will focus on the behavior of high vowels, which do not participate in labial harmony, and are either transparent or opaque. A notable difference between Tungusic and Mongolic regards the fact that whereas [i] is transparent to labial harmony in Mongolic, it is opaque in Tungusic. High round vowels are opaque in both groups.

Aperture harmony

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry van der Hulst
Keyword(s):  
Vowel Harmony ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Common Element ◽  
Binary Features ◽  
High Vowels

This chapter analyzes a number of vowel harmony systems which have been described or analyzed in terms of aperture (lowering or raising, including complete harmony). This takes us into areas where the literature on vowel harmony discusses cases involving the following binary features: [± high], [± low], [± ATR], and [± RTR]. Raising has been thought of as problematic for unary ‘IUA’ systems as these systems lack a common element for high vowels. This chapter suggests that raising can be attributed to ATR-harmony. The chapter also discusses typological generalizations and analyzes metaphony in Romance languages.

Nasality in Dagbani prosody

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 527-550
Author(s):  
Fusheini Hudu ◽  
Mohammed Osman Nindow
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
Full Range ◽  
Bearing Unit ◽  
Vowel Lengthening ◽  
Prosodic Structures

Abstract This paper presents a detailed analysis of nasality in Dagbani, a Gur language of Ghana, and the role it plays in Dagbani prosody. It demonstrates that the nasal is at the centre of defining the range of what is possible in Dagbani prosodic patterns. Nasals provide the basis for determining the full range of syllable types and the tone bearing unit of Dagbani; nasals are the only coda consonants that licence vowel lengthening; and nasals provide the only cases of phonological non-vocalic geminates. The overall effects of the influence of nasality is the emergence of complex prosodic structures. Contrary to the crosslinguistically acclaimed marked position of the coda, the CVN syllable is the default, unmarked syllable in Dagbani.

Perceptual salience and analogical change: evidence from vowel lengthening in modern Swiss German dialects

1995 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Chapman
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Relation ◽  
Short Vowel ◽  
Swiss German ◽  
Perceptual Salience ◽  
German Dialects ◽  
Morphological Theory ◽  
Vowel Lengthening

In the light of current morphological theory, this paper examines the analogical levelling of long/short vowel oppositions in certain inflectional and derivational alternations in a number of modern Swiss German dialects. The regular occurrence of levelling is shown to depend on the extent to which the alternation in question is ‘perceptually salient’ (Chapman 1994). That is, if the semantic relation between base and derivative is transparent and the derivative is uniformly marked, analogical levelling occurs regularly. On the basis of this evidence it is argued that all morphological alternations, both inflectional and derivational, are listed in the lexicon and that each one is assigned a different status according to its degree of perceptual salience.

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