New Trade Union Activism: Class Consciousness or Social Identity?, by Sian Moore

2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 565-567
Author(s):  
Tim Fowler
2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Weiss

AbstractThe International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers (ITUCNW) was a radical trans-Atlantic network for the propagation of black proletarian internationalism, established by the Red International of Labour Unions in 1928. Its key mastermind was James W. Ford, an African American communist labour union activist who was in charge of the organization and its operations until the autumn of 1931. This article critically highlights Ford's ambitions as well as the early phase of the organization. Both in terms of its agenda and objective as well as in its outreach among black workers in the Black Atlantic, the ITUCNW and its main propagators stressed the “class-before-race” argument of the Comintern rather than the pan-Africanist “race-before-class” approach. This is not surprising as the ITUCNW was one of the organizations that had been established when the Comintern and the RILU had started to apply the “class-against-class” doctrine, which left no room for cooperation between communists and radical pan-Africanists.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hardy Hanappi ◽  
Edeltraud Hanappi-Egger

2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-252
Author(s):  
Rebecca Shtasel

Abstract Workers in Le Havre developed resilience through trade union activism, political commitment and community engagement in the pre-war period. This resilience allowed them to display their anger at new hardships that appeared at the start of the German occupation. In particular, workers rioted at a major building site and demanded and achieved wage rises; and, as the RAF bombed their town day and night, they continuously made demands for danger money. Indeed, they did not change their behaviour because the circumstances in which they now lived had changed; they continued to use the skills they had learnt during pre-war industrial battles to make demands that would improve the material situation of themselves and their fellow trade unionists. This analysis differs from most of the major historiography on workers during the Occupation which claims workers during the first two years of the Occupation were broadly passive and cite the miners’ strike in the Nord and Pas-de-Calais as the exception which proves the rule.


Author(s):  
Anna Clark

Between the 1870s and 1914, there was no occupation with a higher proportion of women workers than domestic service. Female servants, however, faced the problem that many working-class people, including most socialists and trade unionists, did not see them as members of the working class. Refusing to take for granted the servants' proverbial deference and lack of class-consciousness, this chapter examines the numerous ways in which domestic servants tried to overcome the barrier separating them from the organised labour movement. Servants were not as isolated as one might think from other working-class people. Physical proximity with employers could actually fuel class resentment, and in comparing themselves to animals, slaves and machines, the servants signaled their commonality with the rest of the working class. The chapter also focuses on some of the servants' attempts to form unions of their own, in particular in Dundee and London. Through their obstinacy servants eventually gained inclusion in workers’ compensation and health insurance legislation between 1906 and 1913. This study of a long-neglected branch of the British proletariat suggests that the working class cannot be understood only in terms of industrial wage labourers and conventional trade union organisation.


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