Trump’s Foreign Policy: Erratic Individualism Versus National Identity Change

Author(s):  
Elena Dück ◽  
Bernhard Stahl ◽  
Katharina McLarren
2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 38-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jojin V. John

One of the striking themes in contemporary South Korean foreign policy is a strong emphasis on achieving seonjinguk (advanced nation) status in international affairs, as articulated in the slogan 'Global Korea'. Engaging with the discourse of globalization, the concept of seonjinguk has provided Korea with an interpretive framework for discussions of its national identity and global position. The historical experience of Korea as a hujinguk (backward country) underlies the emphasis accorded to the goal of becoming seonjinguk. The article argues that the discursive practice of Global Korea was not merely a point of departure in Korean foreign policy but was also the key site of Korean national identity construction. Through an exploration of the historical context and diplomatic practice of constructing Global Korea, it illustrates the continuity and authority of the discourse of seonjinguk in interpreting and constructing Korean national identity.


Author(s):  
Jeremi Suri

The opening chapter of the volume approaches the peculiar US vocation for nation-building on a global scale from the perspective of domestic experience. Jeremi Suri uses the study of the post-Civil War South by C. Vann Woodward to provide for non-Americans a sense of the ideological interstices and remarkable longevity of this feature of American “exceptionalism”. Writing outside of the idiom but with full sympathy for its constituent parts and continuities, Suri describes a deep US civic culture that celebrates self-governance, popular sovereignty and open trade on an uninterrupted continuum from home to the rest of the globe. Denied the normal components of national identity, American elite and popular cultures have, from Washington’s Farewell Address of 1796 to Obama’s West Point speech of 2014, sustained a form of millennial conviction to universalise domestic beliefs. These ride above the particularities of culture, geography or ethnic encounters that necessarily confront a global power and which perforce cause alterations in tactics, but rarely for any length of time the broader strategic idiom. Equally, Suri, argues, the contradiction between national self-interest and the need to construct states and societies along recognisably US lines is repressed through narrow, ‘unionist’ perspectives. It is almost as if the American public imaginary cannot conceive of an allowable ‘other’, even though the efforts at self-fashioning undeniably create a multitude of victims.


2019 ◽  
Vol 134 (4) ◽  
pp. 675-709
Author(s):  
Paul T. Mccartney

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (7) ◽  
pp. 1009-1026 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivia Spiegler ◽  
Katharina Sonnenberg ◽  
Ina Fassbender ◽  
Katharina Kohl ◽  
Birgit Leyendecker

We examined developmental trajectories of ethnic and national identity during early adolescence and linked subgroups of identity change to ethnic minority children’s school adjustment. Our longitudinal data on Turkish immigrant-origin children in Germany ( N = 146; MT1 = 10.42 years, 46.6% male) covered three waves of annual measurement. A person-oriented approach using growth mixture modeling revealed two different classes (subgroups) of identity change: Class 1 comprised children with a high and stable Turkish identity, and Class 2 comprised children with a medium and increasing Turkish identity. German identity was medium and stable in both classes. Results further showed generally high levels of school adjustment in both classes but lower levels of school motivation and teacher support among children in Class 2. Our findings point toward heterogeneity in ethnic minority children’s identity development during early adolescence and support the “ethnic identity as a resource” hypothesis.


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