Inflectional predictability and prosodic morphology in Pitjantjatjara and Yankunytjatjara

Morphology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sasha Wilmoth ◽  
John Mansfield
Keyword(s):  
1990 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
JohnJ. McCarthy ◽  
AlanS. Prince
Keyword(s):  

2001 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-58
Author(s):  
Laura J. Downing

A body of work in Prosodic Morphology clearly establishes the importance of prosodic constituents like the foot as templates conditioning morpheme size. A striking finding of this research is that morphological footing is independent of metrical footing in many languages, as the footing required for particular morphological processes is often not identical to that required for phonological processes like stress assignment. However, recent OT research on Prosodic Morphology has made the opposite claim. Within this theory, the Generalized Template Hypothesis (GTH) proposes that no morpheme-particular templates defining minimal and maximal size are necessary. Instead, templates are always derivable from general principles of the grammar, like independently motivated metrical footing. This paper presents evidence from Ndebele showing that the GTH is too strong. In Ndebele, several different verb forms are subject to a minimality condition. In some cases, the minimality condition can be derived through independent metrical footing, as the GTH predicts. However, in several cases it cannot, showing that morpheme-particular size constraints are still a necessary part of the grammar.


1999 ◽  
pp. 218-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
John J. McCarthy ◽  
Alan S. Prince
Keyword(s):  

2008 ◽  
pp. 77-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
John J. McCarthy ◽  
Alan Prince
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Gloria Mellesmoen ◽  
Suzanne Urbanczyk

This paper explores the role of binarity in prosodic morphology by proposing that all representations are maximally binary branching, as stated in (1).(1) Binarity Hypothesis: All representations are maximally binary branching.Our evidence comes from examining patterns in which fission (Integrity violations) and fusion (Uniformity violations) of segments satisfies morphological and phonological constraints: multiple reduplication, haplology, coalescence, and breaking. Where there appears to be 1:3 or a 3:1 mapping between input and output segments, we propose that this must arise from two separate 1:2 or 2:1 mappings (perhaps at a stem and word level). We illustrate that a number of seemingly complex patterns of multiple reduplication in Salish, Wakashan and Uto-Aztecan languages follow naturally from the Binarity Hypothesis.


Author(s):  
Jagoda Bruni ◽  
Daniel Duran ◽  
Grzegorz Dogil

Prosodic factors affect morpheme form: reduplicative morphemes often take the shape of the prosodic units syllable, foot, or prosodic word, regardless of the size of the base to which they attach. Some reduplicants vary depending on the shape of the base. McCarthy & Prince's (1986, 1993, 1995) work in Prosodic Morphology argues that such effects follow from the interaction of prosodic and morphological constraints without direct reference to reduplicant size.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document