Towards a typology of lexical accent: “Stress accent” and “pitch accent” in a renewed perspective. By Frans van Coetsem. (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft, 18.) Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1996. Pp. 141. Paper. DM 48,00.

1998 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-312
Author(s):  
Tomas Riad
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Mitsuhiko Ota

AbstractThis article presents an autosegmental analysis of the development of pitch phonology in Swedish and Japanese, which mark both lexical accent and phrasing through movements in fundamental frequency (F0). Predictions that follow from the autosegmental model are tested against spontaneous production data from child Japanese. In support of the analysis that lexical pitch accent and phrasal intonation are acquired as separate sequences of tonal features, the falling and rising slopes of F0 contours are shown to develop independently. The late emergence of the phrase-initial rise is attributable to the allophonic surface realisation of the low boundary tone. Moreover, developments in contour shapes are characterised by demarcated emergence of F0 turning points that are aligned with specific segments, providing further support for the view that pitch phonology is acquired as strings of tonal units associated with segments and prosodic constituents.


2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Barnes ◽  
Alejna Brugos ◽  
Nanette Veilleux ◽  
Stefanie Shattuck Hufnagel
Keyword(s):  

2011 ◽  
Vol 23 (9) ◽  
pp. 2447-2467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Bögels ◽  
Herbert Schriefers ◽  
Wietske Vonk ◽  
Dorothee J. Chwilla

The present study addresses the question whether accentuation and prosodic phrasing can have a similar function, namely, to group words in a sentence together. Participants listened to locally ambiguous sentences containing object- and subject-control verbs while ERPs were measured. In Experiment 1, these sentences contained a prosodic break, which can create a certain syntactic grouping of words, or no prosodic break. At the disambiguation, an N400 effect occurred when the disambiguation was in conflict with the syntactic grouping created by the break. We found a similar N400 effect without the break, indicating that the break did not strengthen an already existing preference. This pattern held for both object- and subject-control items. In Experiment 2, the same sentences contained a break and a pitch accent on the noun following the break. We argue that the pitch accent indicates a broad focus covering two words [see Gussenhoven, C. On the limits of focus projection in English. In P. Bosch & R. van der Sandt (Eds.), Focus: Linguistic, cognitive, and computational perspectives. Cambridge: University Press, 1999], thus grouping these words together. For object-control items, this was semantically possible, which led to a “good-enough” interpretation of the sentence. Therefore, both sentences were interpreted equally well and the N400 effect found in Experiment 1 was absent. In contrast, for subject-control items, a corresponding grouping of the words was impossible, both semantically and syntactically, leading to processing difficulty in the form of an N400 effect and a late positivity. In conclusion, accentuation can group words together on the level of information structure, leading to either a semantically “good-enough” interpretation or a processing problem when such a semantic interpretation is not possible.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-222
Author(s):  
Junko Ito ◽  
Armin Mester
Keyword(s):  

Abstract This paper develops a new analysis of the antepenultimate accent principle that determines the default location of the pitch accent in Japanese words (namely, on the syllable containing the antepenultimate mora). The chief innovation is that this analysis also applies to compounds, where it predicts the location of accent in compounds with “short” N2 (one or two moras) – so-called “preaccentuation” at the end of N1, which often does not coincide with the penultimate mora. In addition, the paper sketches an extension of the analysis subsuming the N2-initial accent characteristic of compounds with “long” N2 (three or four moras).


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