An Urgent Appeal from the Haiti Emergency Relief Fund

2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-1
Keyword(s):  





2006 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 196-212
Author(s):  
Hans Vandenhouten

August Borms (1878-1946) was de meest bekende activist die na zijn veroordeling in een Belgische gevangenis verbleef. In tegenstelling tot zijn lotgenoten, verkoos hij een langdurig verblijf in de gevangenis boven de genademaatregelen die hem de vrijheid konden schenken. Die keuze liet hem toe het archetype te worden van de martelaar in de dienst van de Vlaamse wederopstanding. Om de daardoor ontstane aanzienlijke materiële noden voor Borms en zijn gezin te lenigen, ontstonden solidariteitsacties en -fondsen, collectes en steunlijsten. Hans Vandenhouten beschrijft hoe het Bormsfonds vanaf 1927 meer slagkracht en continuïteit wilde bezorgen aan die verspreide initiatieven. Ook na de de terechtstelling van Borms in 1946 werd de werking van het steunfonds voortgezet; na de dood van diens weduwe tot de ontbinding in 1990, werd gefocust op de steunverlening aan flamingantische organisaties en personen.________The Bormsfonds (1927-1990)August Borms (1878-1946) was the most well known activist who was incarcerated in a Belgian prison after his conviction. In contrast to his fellow-sufferers he preferred a long sojourn in prison to the clemency measures that could grant him freedom. This choice allowed him to become the archetypal martyr serving the Flemish resurrection. In order to alleviate the considerable material needs that were brought about by this choice for Borms and his family, solidarity actions and trusts were organised as well as collections and lists of supporters. Hans Vandenhouten describes how the Borms trust tried from 1927 onwards to provide these disparate initiatives with more impact and continuity. Even after the execution of Borms in 1946 the relief fund continued to operate; after the death of Borms’s widow and until it was dissolved in 1990 the trust focused on supporting organisations and people within the Flemish movement.





BMJ ◽  
1918 ◽  
Vol 2 (3021) ◽  
pp. 590-590
Keyword(s):  


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 157
Author(s):  
Elene Lam ◽  
Elena Shih ◽  
Katherine Chin ◽  
Kate Zen

Migrant Asian massage workers in North America first experienced the impacts of COVID-19 in the final weeks of January 2020, when business dropped drastically due to widespread xenophobic fears that the virus was concentrated in Chinese diasporic communities. The sustained economic devastation, which began at least 8 weeks prior to the first social distancing and shelter in place orders issued in the U.S. and Canada, has been further complicated by a history of aggressive policing of migrant massage workers in the wake of the war against human trafficking. Migrant Asian massage businesses are increasingly policed as locales of potential illicit sex work and human trafficking, as police and anti-trafficking initiatives target migrant Asian massage workers despite the fact that most do not provide sexual services. The scapegoating of migrant Asian massage workers and criminalization of sex work have led to devastating systemic and interpersonal violence, including numerous deportations, arrests, and deaths, most notably the recent murder of eight people at three Atlanta-based spas. The policing of sex workers has historically been mobilized along fears of sexually transmitted disease and infection, and more recently, within the past two decades, around a moral panic against sex trafficking. New racial anxieties around the coronavirus as an Asian disease have been mobilized by the state to further cement the justification of policing Asian migrant workers along the axes of health, migration, and sexual labor. These justifications also solidify discriminatory social welfare regimes that exclude Asian migrant massage workers from accessing services on the basis of the informality and illegality of their work mixed with their precarious citizenship status. This paper draws from ethnographic participant observation and survey data collected by two sex worker organizations that work primarily with massage workers in Toronto and New York City to examine the double-edged sword of policing during the pandemic in the name of anti-trafficking coupled with exclusionary policies regarding emergency relief and social welfare, and its effects on migrant Asian massage workers in North America. Although not all migrant Asian massage workers, including those surveyed in this paper, provide sexual services, they are conflated, targeted, and treated as such by the state and therefore face similar barriers of criminalization, discrimination, and exclusion. This paper recognizes that most migrant Asian massage workers do not identify as sex workers and does not intend to label them as such or reproduce the scapegoating rhetoric used by law enforcement. Rather, it seeks to analyze how exclusionary attitudes and policies towards sex workers are transferred onto migrant Asian massage workers as well whether or not they provide sexual services.





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