In the Wake of War: The Reconstruction of German Cities after World War II. Jeffrey M. DiefendorfIm Banne der Metropolen: Berlin und London in den Zwanziger Jahren. Peter Alter , Adolf M. BirkeQuartierbildung in der Urbanisierung: Das Münchner Westend, 1890-1933. Stephan Bleek

1995 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 778-779
Author(s):  
Ben Lieberman
Keyword(s):  
2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 669-696
Author(s):  
Andrew Oppenheimer

A manWho sets a house ablaze is anArsonist who is prosecuted and punishedUnder the law.A manWho turns entire cities toDebris and ash is aConquerorWho is hailed as a hero.This poem, published in an early postwar edition of the German-language pacifist journalDer Friedensbote, encapsulates a vision of modern war that circulated among German peace activists during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It is an image of war as arson on a massive scale, of strategic bombing campaigns that burned cities and civilians to ashes. Of course, the less than subtle allusion here is to the aerial assaults carried out on select German cities by British and American forces during World War II, which inflicted tremendous damage, population displacement, and loss of life in and around cities including Berlin, Cologne, Dresden, Hamburg, and throughout the Ruhr industrial basin. Some 131 locales were subject to and an estimated 500,000 to 600,000 deaths resulted from air assaults that used the tactics and weaponry of area and firebombing. Read with this recent history in mind, the stanza evokes images of the wartime Allies as criminals and Germans as their civilian victims.


1995 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Agnes F. Peterson ◽  
Jeffrey M. Diefendorf
Keyword(s):  

Worldview ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
pp. 8-12
Author(s):  
Paul W. Blackstock

Surfeited with the unprecedented horrors of World War II, the moral consciousness of the Western world has become jaded. There was a time-in the mid-1930's—when it protested Mussolini's practice of forcing castor oil down the throats of political prisoners and then parading them in public while stalwart Fascists watched the spectacle with sadistic glee. During his Ethiopian campaign, Mussolini's use of irritant gases to give brave but ill-shod and illequipped Ethiopian tribesmen “the hot foot” was also condemned by a moral conscience that had not yet learned to accept the organized cruelty of World War II—the terror bombings of both British and German cities, and the unexampled savagery of the German invasion of Russia, widely heralded by Nazi propaganda as a great anti-Communist “crusade.“


2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 50-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Langenbacher

One of the most important developments in the incipient Berlin Republic's memory regime has been the return of the memory of German suffering from the end and aftermath of World War II. Elite discourses about the bombing of German cities, the mass rape of German women by members of the Red Army, and, above all, the expulsion of Germans from then-Eastern Germany and elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe have gained massive visibility in the last decade. Although many voices have lauded these developments as liberating, many others within Germany and especially in Poland—from where the vast majority of Germans were expelled—have reacted with fear. Yet, do these elite voices resonate with mass publics? Have these arguments had demonstrable effects on public opinion? This paper delves into these questions by looking at survey results from both countries. It finds that there has been a disjuncture between the criticisms of elites and average citizens, but that the barrage of elite criticisms leveled at German expellees and their initiatives now may be affecting mass attitudes in all cases.


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