Deriving enclisis in ‘V1’ clauses

2021 ◽  
pp. 213-232
Author(s):  
Diego Pescarini

The chapter deals with the syntax of early Romance clauses exhibiting enclisis, which usually occurs when the verb occupies the first position in the clause (V1) or is immediately preceded by topics. This chapter accounts for enclisis/V1 within languages that exhibit properties of V2 systems. The analysis is based on two hypotheses: (i) V2 results from a Criterion that triggers fronting of an XP to the Operator/Focus position; and (ii) V1 and enclisis result when no XP is fronted and, instead, the inflected verb is merged in the Operator/Focus position via Long Head Movement (Lema and Rivero’s 1991). When the verb performs Long Head Movement, clitics cannot undergo incorporationd into the verb and enclisis results. Besides enclisis, the above analysis provides a better account of other phenomena such as the syntax of focus expletives, Stylistic Fronting, mesoclisis, and fragment answers.

Lingua ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 89 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 217-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
María-Luisa Rivero

1992 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 37-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Bennis
Keyword(s):  

2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Alboiu ◽  
Virginia Hill

AbstractThis paper looks at constructions with non-clitic auxiliaries in Old Romanian, which precede the generalized option for clitic auxiliaries in the same language. We argue that non-clitic auxiliaries belong to a grammar with genuine SVO, scrambling to Spec, AspP, and subject-auxiliary inversion (SAI as AUX-to Fin). The generalization of the clitic auxiliary entails the loss of these properties, while triggering a parametric shift in word order to VSO, discourse oriented fronting of constituents (to CP only instead of Spec, AspP), and Long Head Movement (LHM through V-to-Focus) instead of SAI. Implicitly, this analysis supports the distinction between A (AUX-to-Fin) and A-bar (V-to-Focus) head movement of verbal elements, and further refines it by showing that these two types of movement do not concern two specific types of heads (i.e., operator for the C domain versus non-operator for the T domain; Roberts 2001, Head movement. In Mark Baltin & Chris Collins (eds.),


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-57
Author(s):  
Pauli Brattico

Abstract Head movement constitutes a controversial topic in linguistic theory. Finnish long head movement exhibits an unusual combination of predicate clefting with A-bar movement instead of V-copying. An analysis is developed on the basis of Roberts (1993, 2010) and Chomsky (2008) that relies on a minimal top-down search algorithm that exists as part of a comprehension-based, reverse-engineered minimalist architecture. Exceptional properties of Finnish head movement are explained as arising from its lexicon which furnishes the language with an extensive catalogue of left peripheral discourse-motivated C-features participating in predicate formation. The analysis was formalized and tested by computational tools.


Author(s):  
Robert D. Borsley ◽  
Maria-Luisa Rivero ◽  
Janig Stephens
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karlos Arregi ◽  
Asia Pietraszko

We argue for a unified account of head movement and lowering in which lowering is in essence the covert movement counterpart of head movement. This proposal is supported by the existence of successive cyclic lowering (evidenced by relative prefix formation in Ndebele), in which complex heads built by lowering have the Mirror-Principle-obeying structure expected under a head movement derivation. It also predicts that lowering can feed head movement, giving the appearance of long head movement, which we argue is the case in Mainland Scandinavian V2.


Author(s):  
Robin J. Schafer

This article explores long head movement configurations in Breton. Its purpose is twofold. First it contributes to existing work by demonstrating that Breton long head movement is motivated by information structure. The operation of general economy principles, made sensitive to information structure, determines many of the properties of the Breton construction. Secondly, it is argued that the derivation of the Breton construction does not involve movement per se; minimality conditions on movement are not central to the derivation. Instead, the remaining properties of the construction are attributed to a semantic property of tense-aspect markers which is represented at the LF interface. This work bears on the issue of how to model the interpretive dependency between auxiliaries and main verbs and raises questions concerning the interaction between the stylistic component, information structure, and the LF interface.


Author(s):  
Alexandru Nicolae

This chapter focuses on ‘inversion’ in the verbal domain (i.e. verb–auxiliary and verb–pronominal clitic linearizations) and shows that old Romanian inversion represents the residual instantiation of an old Romance V2 grammar by means of a word order pattern widespread in the Balkan languages – the so-called ‘Long Head Movement’ pattern. Prior to its complete jettison, residual V2 is reanalysed as a focus-marking strategy. Patterns of pronominal cliticization, the structure of auxiliary-based analytic constructions, verb-initial structures, the height (V-to-I vs V-to-C movement) and strategy (head vs phrasal movement) of V-raising in Romanian, the syntax of adverbial clitics, as well as quantitative analyses of the distribution of V-to-C movement vs V-to-I movement are addressed in the analysis of the V2 phenomenon with reference to old Romanian.


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