What is the best segment duration for music mood analysis ?

Author(s):  
Zhongzhe Xiao ◽  
Emmanuel Dellandrea ◽  
Weibei Dou ◽  
Liming Chen
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
pp. 002383091982660
Author(s):  
Kathleen Jepson ◽  
Janet Fletcher ◽  
Hywel Stoakes

Cross-linguistically, segments typically lengthen because of proximity to prosodic events such as intonational phrase or phonological phrase boundaries, a phrasal accent, or due to lexical stress. Australian Indigenous languages have been claimed to operate somewhat differently in terms of prosodically conditioned consonant lengthening and strengthening. Consonants have been found to lengthen after a vowel bearing a phrasal pitch accent. It is further claimed that this post-tonic position is a position of prosodic strength in Australian languages. In this study, we investigate the effects of proximity to a phrasal pitch accent and prosodic constituent boundaries on the duration of stop and nasal consonants in words of varying lengths in Djambarrpuyŋu, an Australian Indigenous language spoken in northeast Arnhem Land, Northern Territory, Australia. Our results suggest that the post-tonic consonant position does not condition longer consonant duration compared with other word-medial consonants, with one exception: Intervocalic post-tonic consonants in disyllabic words are significantly longer than word-medial consonants elsewhere. Therefore, it appears that polysyllabic shortening has a strong effect on segment duration in these data. Word-initial position did not condition longer consonant duration than word-medial position. Further, initial consonants in higher-level prosodic domains had shorter consonant duration compared with domain-medial word-initial consonants. By contrast, domain-final lengthening was observed in our data, with word-final nasals preceding a pause found to be significantly longer than all other consonants. Taken together, these findings for Djambarrpuyŋu suggest that, unlike other Australian languages, post-tonic lengthening is not a cue to prosodic prominence, whereas prosodic domain-initial and -final duration patterns of consonants are like those that have been observed in other languages of the world.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
FABIAN TOMASCHEK ◽  
INGO PLAG ◽  
MIRJAM ERNESTUS ◽  
R. HARALD BAAYEN

Recent research on the acoustic realization of affixes has revealed differences between phonologically homophonous affixes, e.g. the different kinds of final [s] and [z] in English (Plag, Homann & Kunter 2017, Zimmermann 2016a). Such results are unexpected and unaccounted for in widely accepted post-Bloomfieldian item-and-arrangement models (Hockett 1954), which separate lexical and post-lexical phonology, and in models which interpret phonetic effects as consequences of different prosodic structure. This paper demonstrates that the differences in duration of English final S as a function of the morphological function it expresses (non-morphemic, plural, third person singular, genitive, genitive plural, cliticizedhas, and cliticizedis) can be approximated by considering the support for these morphological functions from the words’ sublexical and collocational properties. We estimated this support using naïve discriminative learning and replicated previous results for English vowels (Tucker, Sims & Baayen 2019), indicating that segment duration is lengthened under higher functional certainty but shortened under functional uncertainty. We discuss the implications of these results, obtained with a wide learning network that eschews representations for morphemes and exponents, for models in theoretical morphology as well as for models of lexical processing.


1963 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 402-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernst Simonson ◽  
Lee D. Cady ◽  
Max Woodbury

In 100 healthy men from 40 to 59 years of age, the regressions and correlations between the R-R, Q-T, QRS intervals, S-T segment duration, and T-wave duration were determined by means of computer analysis. The range of heart rate was from 45 to 115 beats/min, with equal distribution of the samples in four ranges of heart rate (45–60, 60–70, 70–80, 80–115). The error of measurement of the S-T duration was determined from independent repeat measurements of one observer and observer variation from measurements of two observers. The regressions of all interval fractions on heart rate are linear. The correlation of the R-R interval and of the Q-T interval with all fractions except the QRS interval is highly significant. The major contributing factor to the slope of the Q-T interval versus heart rate is the duration of the S-T segment. A table with the fiducial normal limits for evaluation of interval changes in individual patients is given. Submitted on November 16, 1962


1988 ◽  
Vol 98 (8) ◽  
pp. 884???887 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEVEN B. LEDER ◽  
JAY W. LERMAN ◽  
PETER J. ALFONSO

2005 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 277-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Makiko Muto ◽  
Hiroaki Kato ◽  
Minoru Tsuzaki ◽  
Yoshinori Sagisaka

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (23931) ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Amir Saeed SAMIMI ◽  
Javad TAJIK ◽  
Seyyed Morteza AGHAMIRI ◽  
Talieh TAHERI

Phonetica ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 39 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 113-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Beckman
Keyword(s):  

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