The waiting is the hardest part: How asynchronous acoustic cues are integrated for fricative voicing and place of articulation

2012 ◽  
Vol 132 (3) ◽  
pp. 1966-1966
Author(s):  
Marcus E. Galle ◽  
Bob McMurray
Phonology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Vietti ◽  
Birgit Alber ◽  
Barbara Vogt

In the Southern Bavarian variety of Tyrolean, laryngeal contrasts undergo a typologically interesting process of neutralisation in word-initial position. We undertake an acoustic analysis of Tyrolean stops in word-initial, word-medial intersonorant and word-final contexts, as well as in obstruent clusters, investigating the role of the acoustic parameters VOT, prevoicing, closure duration and F0 and H1–H2* on following vowels in implementing contrast, if any. Results show that stops contrast word-medially via [voice] (supported by the acoustic cues of closure duration and F0), and are neutralised completely in word-final position and in obstruent clusters. Word-initially, neutralisation is subject to inter- and intraspeaker variability, and is sensitive to place of articulation. Aspiration plays no role in implementing laryngeal contrasts in Tyrolean.


1983 ◽  
Vol 73 (5) ◽  
pp. 1779-1793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Kewley‐Port ◽  
David B. Pisoni ◽  
Michael Studdert‐Kennedy

1998 ◽  
Vol 104 (3) ◽  
pp. 1777-1777
Author(s):  
Jeannette M. Denton ◽  
Yukari Hirata ◽  
Joanna H. Lowenstein ◽  
Candace V. Perez ◽  
Karen L. Landahl

Author(s):  
Daniel Recasens

The Discussion chapter summarizes the main findings of the book regarding those contextual, positional, and prosodic conditions which trigger velar and labial softening, and the acoustic cues which are responsible for the integration of (alveolo)palatal stops as affricates differing in place of articulation. The arguments in support of an articulation-based interpretation of these sound changes are also summarized and evaluated. The chapter also addresses some phonological issues, namely, why (alveolo)palatal stops are phonetically but not phonologically frequent, and the extent to which their realization is conditioned by the number of dorsal-stop phonemes in the language.


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Cole ◽  
Heejin Kim ◽  
Hansook Choi ◽  
Mark Hasegawa-Johnson

1971 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 848-857 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman P. Erber

Two talkers with normal hearing and speech presented with voice 240 common nouns (80 monosyllables, 80 trochees, 80 spondees) to six profoundly deaf children whose task was to lipread without acoustic cues at distances from 5-100 ft. Under bright, shadow-free illumination, lipreading performance diminished from 75% correct at 5 ft to 11% correct at 100 ft. Scores varied with distance similarly for both talkers. The stress patterns of the stimulus words influenced their intelligibility, with scores decreasing from spondees to trochees to monosyllables. In a supplementary study, one talker presented two tests of phoneme recognition to the same six deaf children whose task was to lipread from 5, 20, or 70 ft. Identification of consonants in VCV context depended on their place of articulation (front superior to back) and on the surrounding vowel (/a–a/ superior to /i–i/ or /u–u/). Vowel-identification scores were less dependent on distance than were consonant-identification scores. In general, tense (stressed) vowels were more easily identified in /b/-V-/b/ context than were lax (unstressed) vowels.


1997 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 646-665 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerry P. Green ◽  
Linda W. Norrix

The McGurk effect demonstrates that the perceived place of articulation of an auditory consonant (such as /bi/) can be influenced by the simultaneous presentation of a videotape of a talker saying a conflicting consonant such as /gi/. Usually, such a presentation is perceived by observers as “di” or “ð” (known as fusion responses). The reverse pairing (auditory /gi/ paired with a visual /bi/) results in “bgi” percepts. These are known as combination responses. In the current study, three experiments examined how acoustic information about place of articulation contained within the release bursts, aspiration, and voiced formants and transitions of a consonant contribute to the McGurk effect. In the first experiment, the release bursts and aspiration were deleted from the acoustic signal. This manipulation resulted in a smaller impact on McGurk “fusion” tokens relative to the McGurk “combination” tokens. This asymmetry may be related to the perceptual salience of the release bursts and aspiration for velar compared to the bilabial tokens used in this experiment and their importance for obtaining the combination percept. In Experiment 2, the release bursts and aspiration were increased in amplitude. Results revealed either no effect or a stronger McGurk effect for the manipulated tokens than for the intact tokens. This finding suggests that the McGurk effect for fusion tokens does not occur simply because the release bursts and aspiration are weak. In Experiment 3, low-pass filtering the second and higher formants and transitions was associated with the largest overall impact on the McGurk effect. This suggests that dynamic information contained within these formants is of primary importance in obtaining the McGurk effect. These cues are, however, context-dependent and vary as a function of talker and vowel context.


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