Distribution of acoustic cues for stop consonant place of articulation in VCV syllables

1980 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 1333-1335 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. F. Dorman ◽  
Lawrence J. Raphael
Phonology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Vietti ◽  
Birgit Alber ◽  
Barbara Vogt

In the Southern Bavarian variety of Tyrolean, laryngeal contrasts undergo a typologically interesting process of neutralisation in word-initial position. We undertake an acoustic analysis of Tyrolean stops in word-initial, word-medial intersonorant and word-final contexts, as well as in obstruent clusters, investigating the role of the acoustic parameters VOT, prevoicing, closure duration and F0 and H1–H2* on following vowels in implementing contrast, if any. Results show that stops contrast word-medially via [voice] (supported by the acoustic cues of closure duration and F0), and are neutralised completely in word-final position and in obstruent clusters. Word-initially, neutralisation is subject to inter- and intraspeaker variability, and is sensitive to place of articulation. Aspiration plays no role in implementing laryngeal contrasts in Tyrolean.


1995 ◽  
Vol 674 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mitchell Steinschneider ◽  
David Reser ◽  
Charles E. Schroeder ◽  
Joseph C. Arezzo

1983 ◽  
Vol 73 (5) ◽  
pp. 1779-1793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Kewley‐Port ◽  
David B. Pisoni ◽  
Michael Studdert‐Kennedy

1998 ◽  
Vol 104 (3) ◽  
pp. 1777-1777
Author(s):  
Jeannette M. Denton ◽  
Yukari Hirata ◽  
Joanna H. Lowenstein ◽  
Candace V. Perez ◽  
Karen L. Landahl

Author(s):  
Daniel Recasens

The Discussion chapter summarizes the main findings of the book regarding those contextual, positional, and prosodic conditions which trigger velar and labial softening, and the acoustic cues which are responsible for the integration of (alveolo)palatal stops as affricates differing in place of articulation. The arguments in support of an articulation-based interpretation of these sound changes are also summarized and evaluated. The chapter also addresses some phonological issues, namely, why (alveolo)palatal stops are phonetically but not phonologically frequent, and the extent to which their realization is conditioned by the number of dorsal-stop phonemes in the language.


Diachronica ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Recasens

Experimental and descriptive evidence from the Romance languages suggests that velar and dental stop consonant softening, i.e., the process by which stops of these places of articulation turn mostly into palatoalveolar or alveolar affricates or fricatives, has proceeded gradually through intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop realizations. Several arguments are adduced in support of this interpretation: the presence of (alveolo)palatal stops and of (alveolo)palatal consonants of other manners of articulation in Romance languages and dialects, whether through gestural blending, gestural strengthening or other production strategies; alternations between (alveolo)palatal stops and affricates in several dialectal areas; variability in closure location for (alveolo)palatal stops in general, which accounts for their confusion with dental or velar stops; experimental evidence from speech production and perception studies. Moreover, there appears to be a plausible relationship between (alveolo)palatal stop realizations differing in closure fronting, and differences in fronting in the affricate and fricative outcomes of original Latin dental and velar stops. Historically, those differences depend mainly on place of articulation and voicing for the original stop as well as on the contextual and position conditions in which the stop occurred. The present investigation reveals that fine articulatory detail needs to be taken into consideration in the formulation of phonetic explanations of sound change.


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Cole ◽  
Heejin Kim ◽  
Hansook Choi ◽  
Mark Hasegawa-Johnson

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