Spain’s African Colonial Legacies

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yolanda Aixelà-Cabré
Keyword(s):  
2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Siphamandla Zondi

 This introductory article outlines the importance of the subject discussed in this edition of UNISA’s Latin American Report, the Group of 77+ China. It seeks to locate this discussion at the centre of the search for an alternative world to one that remains haunted by colonial legacies and new imperial designs. It makes the point that the G77 is born into an evolving pursuit of a dream for a world in which former colonies realise fully their aspirations for a future that is good for all. It shows that the G77 has played a crucial role in this, while it also poses questions about the Group’s ability to implement what it works so hard to reach consensus on.


Author(s):  
Neeraj G Baruah ◽  
J Vernon Henderson ◽  
Cong Peng

Abstract Institutions persisting from colonial rule affect the spatial structure and conditions under which 100s of millions of people live in Sub-saharan African cities. In a sample of 318 cities, Francophone cities have more compact development than Anglophone, overall, in older colonial sections, and at clear extensive margins long after the colonial era. Compactness covers intensity of land use, gridiron road structures and leapfrogging of new developments. Why the difference? Under British indirect and dual mandate rule, colonial and native sections developed without coordination. In contrast, integrated city planning and land allocation were featured in French direct rule. These differences in planning traditions persist.1


2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402199717
Author(s):  
Joan Ricart-Huguet

Political elites tend to favor their home region when distributing resources. But what explains how political power is distributed across a country’s regions to begin with? Explanations of cabinet formation focus on short-term strategic bargaining and some emphasize that ministries are allocated equitably to minimize conflict. Using new data on the cabinet members (1960–2010) of 16 former British and French African colonies, I find that some regions have been systematically much more represented than others. Combining novel historical and geospatial records, I show that this regional political inequality derives not from colonial-era development in general but from colonial-era education in particular. I argue that post-colonial ministers are partly a byproduct of civil service recruitment practices among European administrators that focused on levels of literacy. Regional political inequality is an understudied pathway through which colonial legacies impact distributive politics and unequal development in Africa today. JEL: F54, I26, N37, N47


2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942097476
Author(s):  
Marie Huber

Tourism is today considered as a crucial employment sector in many developing countries. In the growing field of historical tourism research, however, the relationships between tourism and development, and the role of international organizations, above all the UN, have been given little attention to date. My paper will illuminate how during the 1960s tourism first became the subject of UN policies and a praised solution for developing countries. Examples from expert consultancy missions in developing countries such as Ethiopia, India and Nepal will be contextualized within the more general debates and programme activities for heritage conservation and also the first UN development decade. Drawing on sources from the archives of UNESCO, as well as tourism promotion material, it will be possible to understand how tourism sectors in many so-called developing countries were shaped considerably by this international cooperation. Like in other areas of development aid, activities in tourism were grounded in scientific studies and based on statistical data and analysis by international experts. Examining this knowledge production is a telling exercise in understanding development histories colonial legacies under the umbrella of the UN during the 1960s and 1970s.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 249-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Case

AbstractAnalysts make much of the diversity of Southeast Asia's political regimes. However, the region also displays a mounting preponderance of pseudoand fuller democracies, as well as a common mode of transition where fuller democratization has taken place. This analysis argues that these "intermediate" regime categories can be partly ascribed to common, though countervailing factors of colonial legacies, structural forces, some faint cultural residues, and new globalized influences. Next, it explores the conditions in which changes may take place from pseudo-democracy to more fully democratic outcomes. Analysis turns finally to the ways in which despite this weakening of leadership, elites regain enough vitality that while transitions may go forward, they have been able to collaborate in limiting the quality of the new democracies that have emerged.


2015 ◽  
Vol 97 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-412
Author(s):  
Ross Kane

In seeking justice for LGBT persons, many Episcopalians have found ourselves in significant moral tragedies over recent decades. Support for same-sex relationships often emerged from a concern to stand up for the marginalized and to be “on the right side of history.” At the same time, however, we inadvertently alienated many of those historically marginalized in global Anglican conversations, specifically those in the global South. The content and form of the Episcopal Church's public statements in Anglican debates over human sexuality proved subtly—and usually unintentionally—neocolonial. The content of the debate privileged a specifically Western discourse based in the designation of homosexuality, while the form of the debate often resembled an abstracted “white gaze.” In seeking a path to reconciliation, the essay concludes by engaging H. Richard Niebuhr's thought, suggesting that he enables us to conceive how we ended up in such tragedies and offers a means to reconciliation by way of repentance.


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