From Moral to Professional Authority: Secularism, Social Work, and Middle-Class Women's Self-Construction in World War I Britain

1998 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Woollacott
Author(s):  
Paul H. Stuart

This article will review family social work’s concern with budget counseling, an aspect of financial capability, during the century following World War I, based on articles appearing in the major family social work journal, Families in Society; publications of its sponsoring organization; standard budgets published with the participation of family social work agencies in many cities; handbooks and textbooks intended for social workers; and other sources.


Author(s):  
Anya Jabour

Chapter 7 focuses on Breckinridge’s involvement in an international women’s movement dedicated to feminism, pacifism, and justice that flourished in the United States and Europe during and after World War I. This chapter explores the origins of Breckinridge’s pacifism, her introduction to feminist-pacifism during World War I, and her continuing commitment to internationalism in the isolationist 1920s. Breckinridge maintained her commitment to social justice and her participation in international social work circles even at the height of the Red Scare.


2018 ◽  
pp. 214-260
Author(s):  
Sujata S. Mody

Chapter 5 examines two landmark Hindi short stories that contested aspects of Dwivedi’s literary agenda. In ‘Dulāīvālī’ (quilt-woman), Banga Mahila used regional and domestic women’s speech in addition to Dwivedi’s preferred standard, Khari Boli prose. Her fictional exploration of the impact of nationalist ideals on middle-class Bengali women in the Hindi-belt further challenged the patriarchal authority with which Dwivedi and other nationalists sought to shape an emergent nation. Chandradhar Sharma ‘Guleri’, in ‘Usne kahā thā’ (she had said), employed regional/ethnic speech that was also gendered, as masculine and vulgar, once again flouting Dwivedi’s preferences for an upright, Khari Boli standard. His story, featuring a Sikh soldier fighting in Europe during World War I, upheld some nationalist ideals, but also defied conventional mores. Both stories underwent extensive editorial revisions, yet there remains a record in their final published versions of their authors’ defiance, and of Dwivedi’s strategic responses to such challenges.


1991 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-402 ◽  
Author(s):  
William G. Black
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
David Weir

Sociocultural integration occurred first in fin-de-siècle Vienna, where decadence underwent a “bourgeoisification” and where the taste for decadence, no longer limited to aristocrats or elites, found a middle-class audience, even as artists and writers actively sought out that audience rather than working to “shock” it. The sociocultural decadence of Vienna prior to World War I is exceeded after the war only by that of Weimar Berlin, where decadence became, almost, a mass movement, as Berliners of all social strata eagerly participated in forms of social behavior that challenged bourgeois norms and traditions. The rise of the Nazi regime forced a major reconsideration of the meaning of decadence.


2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 1004-1031
Author(s):  
Sayaka Chatani

AbstractHow did the Japanese Empire, while adamantly adhering to assimilationism, manage the politics of colonial difference in the interwar years? How should we situate the seemingly exceptional conduct of Japanese colonial rule from a comparative perspective? To examine these questions, this article analyzes the mindsets of mid-level colonial bureaucrats who specialized in social work. Social work became a major field of political contestation in the post-World War I period around the globe. Policies on social work tested colonial officials regarding their assumptions about state-society relationships and Japan's assimilationist goals. Their debates on social work reveal that by the end of the 1920s colonial officials in Korea had reached a tacit consensus to use a particular analytical lens and ideological goal that I call “ruralism.” In the ruralist paradigm, these officials viewed Korean society as consisting of “rural peasants” and understood Korean social problems as primarily “rural problems.” Ruralism was a product of many overlapping factors, including pressures to integrate colonial society into the imperial system, the empire-wide popularity of agrarian nationalism, global discourses that increasingly dichotomized the “rural” and the “industrial,” and the rivalry between the colonial government and the metropole. How social work officials re-conceptualized the colonial masses and attempted to engage with social problems under the rhetoric of assimilationism showed a similar dynamic to the “developmental colonialism” that prevailed in the French and British empires after World War II.


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