The Historical Phonology of Hliboi, A Bidayuh Language of Borneo

2021 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-159
Author(s):  
Alexander D. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Historical Phonology

KIMBALL, S. E.: Hittite Historical Phonology

Kratylos ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-103
Author(s):  
E. Rieken
Keyword(s):  
Historical Phonology

Nhanta historical phonology*

1994 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliette Blevins ◽  
Doug Marmion
Keyword(s):  
Historical Phonology

Middle Chinese: A Study in Historical Phonology

1987 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 635
Author(s):  
William H. Baxter III ◽  
E. G. Pulleyblank
Keyword(s):  
Historical Phonology

scholarly journals Rhotic degemination in Sanskrit and the etymology of Vedic ūrú- ‘thigh’, Hittite UZU(u)walla- ‘id.’

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Alexander Nikolaev
Keyword(s):  
Historical Phonology ◽  
Obligatory Contour Principle ◽  
High Ranking ◽  
Substrate Influence

Abstract This paper examines the absence of geminate -rr- in Sanskrit and argues that the synchronic ban on this sequence results from continued high ranking of an Obligatory Contour Principle constraint against heteromorphemic geminates (inherited from PIE) combined with the substrate influence of Dravidian languages in which the rhotics are non-geminable. New -rr- sequences that arose in Proto-Indo-Iranian and Proto-Indo-Aryan from PIE *-LL- or *-LHL- after loss of the laryngeal and merger of *l with the rhotic were repaired through degemination. This hypothesis predicts a development of PIE *(-)CL̥HLV- to Sanskrit (-)Cī/ūrV- which has not been previously recognized in the treatments of Indic historical phonology. This development is arguably found in mūrá- ‘stupid’ < *mūrra- < *mr̥hx-lo- (cf. Hitt. marlant- ‘stupid’), ūrú- ‘thigh’ < *u̯ūrru- < *(hx)u̯l̥hx-Lu- ← *(hx)u̯l̥hx-Lo- (cf. Hitt. walla- ‘thigh’), śīrá- ‘fervent’ < *śīrrá- < *k̑l̥hx-Ló- (cf. śrā́ya-ti ‘be fervent’), and perhaps in several other examples.

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