Arabic Learners’ Production of Regular English Past Tense Verbs

Previous studies show that second language (L2) learners of English sometimes produce the verb with proper past tense inflectional morphology as in help[t] and sometimes repair the cluster, as in helpø or hel[pəd]. Complicating matters, these studies focused on L2 learners whose native languages disallowed codas or had very restricted codas. Thus, it is difficult to tell whether any problems in producing past tense morphology are due to first language L1-transferred coda restrictions, or an inability to acquire the abstract feature of past tense. To rule out native language syllable structure interference, this paper aims to examine the production of the English regular past tense verb by Arabic L1 ESL learners, a language that allows complex codas. The paper also examines the role of a phonological universal, the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) that disallows two adjacent similar sounds, and its effect on learners’ production. The data come from twenty-two English as a Second Language (ESL) students at three levels of proficiency. The task was a sentence list eliciting target clusters in past tense contexts that violate manner in OCP: fricative + stop ([st], [ft]) vs. stop + stop ([pt], [kt]). Results show that L1 Arabic speakers have difficulty in producing past tense morphology, even though their L1 allows complex codas. Fricative + stop clusters are repaired (epenthesis/deletion) at a lower rate (low =25.71%, intermediate = 6.6%, high=11.11%) than stop + stop clusters (low=57.14%, intermediate = 40.27%, high=22.91%). The higher rate of repair is clear in stops + stop clusters suggesting that learners abide by phonological universals and prefer not to violate OCP. Finally, proficiency level has an effect on target-like production, as higher-proficiency learners produce past-tense morphology at a higher rate than lower-proficiency learners. Together, these results indicate that L1 transfer is not the only source of difficulty in the production of past tense morphology, and that the abstract feature of tense is problematic, particularly at the early stages of ESL development.

Rhotic degemination in Sanskrit and the etymology of Vedic ūrú- ‘thigh’, Hittite UZU(u)walla- ‘id.’

This paper examines the absence of geminate -rr- in Sanskrit and argues that the synchronic ban on this sequence results from continued high ranking of an Obligatory Contour Principle constraint against heteromorphemic geminates (inherited from PIE) combined with the substrate influence of Dravidian languages in which the rhotics are non-geminable. New -rr- sequences that arose in Proto-Indo-Iranian and Proto-Indo-Aryan from PIE *-LL- or *-LHL- after loss of the laryngeal and merger of *l with the rhotic were repaired through degemination. This hypothesis predicts a development of PIE *(-)CL̥HLV- to Sanskrit (-)Cī/ūrV- which has not been previously recognized in the treatments of Indic historical phonology. This development is arguably found in mūrá- ‘stupid’ < *mūrra- < *mr̥hx-lo- (cf. Hitt. marlant- ‘stupid’), ūrú- ‘thigh’ < *u̯ūrru- < *(hx)u̯l̥hx-Lu- ← *(hx)u̯l̥hx-Lo- (cf. Hitt. walla- ‘thigh’), śīrá- ‘fervent’ < *śīrrá- < *k̑l̥hx-Ló- (cf. śrā́ya-ti ‘be fervent’), and perhaps in several other examples.

Sequences of high tones across word boundaries in Tswana

The article analyses violations of the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) above the word level in Tswana, a Southern Bantu language, by investigating the realization of adjacent lexical high tones across word boundaries. The results show that across word boundaries downstep (i.e. a lowering of the second in a series of adjacent high tones) only takes place within a phonological phrase. A phonological phrase break blocks downstep, even when the necessary tonal configuration is met. A phrase-based account is adopted in order to account for the occurrence of downstep. Our study confirms a pattern previously reported for the closely related language Southern Sotho and provides controlled, empirical data from Tswana, based on read speech of twelve speakers which has been analysed auditorily by two annotators as well as acoustically.

A Constraint-based Analysis of Obligatory Contour Principle in Anaang Morphological Constructions

The obligatory contour principle forbids identical consecutive features in the underlying representation. This work undertakes a description of the Anaang tonal structure, the tonal behaviour of compounds and reduplicates in the language, bearing in mind their sensitivity to the OCP and the environments that trigger the adherence. An adapted Ibadan wordlist of 400 Basic Items (Trial) English version was used via interview for data collection from six men and six women within Abak Local Government Area in Akwa Ibom State. The data were analysed using optimality theoretical framework. The analysis shows that Anaang compounds as well as reduplicates exhibit cases of tonal modifications in line with OCP. For compounds, the tone of the second noun changes depending on the tonal sequence. In the HH noun base, the second-high tone of the second noun changes to a low tone, in the LH noun base, the tone of the second noun is raised to a down-stepped high tone, the LL noun base sees the tone of the second noun being raised to a high tone. For reduplication, the tone of the L verb base changes when the redup lication is partial. When the reduplication is complete, the high tone of the second noun is down-stepped.

An Autosegmental Account of Melodic Processes in Jordanian Rural Arabic

This study aims at providing an autosegmental account of feature spread in assimilatory situations in Jordanian rural Arabic. I hypothesise that in any assimilatory situation in Jordanian rural Arabic the undergoer assimilates a whole or a portion of the matrix of the trigger. I also hypothesise that assimilation in Jordanian rural Arabic is motivated by violation of the obligatory contour principle on a specific tier or by spread of a feature from a trigger to a compatible undergoer. Data of the study were analysed in the framework of autosegmental phonology with focus on the notion of dominance in assimilation. Findings of the study have revealed that an undergoer assimilates a whole of the matrix of a trigger in the assimilation of /t/ of the detransitivizing prefix /Ɂɪt-/, coronal sonorant assimilation, and inter-dentalization of dentals. However, partial assimilation occurs in the processes of nasal place assimilation, anticipatory labialization, and palatalization of plosives. Findings have revealed that assimilation occurs when the obligatory contour principle is violated on the place tier. Violation is then resolved by deletion of the place node in the leftmost matrix and by right-to-left spread of a feature from rightmost matrix to leftmost matrix. It has been also revealed that spread of a primary or a non-primary feature from a trigger to an undergoer can motivate assimilation to occur in some assimilatory situations in Jordanian rural Arabic.

Affrication of Voiced Labials (/B, V/) in Changana

This article describes and analyses the frication of the voiced labial consonants (/b/ and /v/) in Changana, a Bantu language (S53, in Guthrie’s 1967-1971 classification). In the light of the autosegmental phonology (Leben 1973, 1978, 2006; 1973, Goldsmith 1976, 2004; Odden 1986) combined with the Feature Geometry theory, the article discusses phonological processes that turn voiced labials into labial-alveolar affricate [bz]. In this study, we assume that the process of hiatus resolution by gliding is the trigger of the alteration under analysis. That is, when derivative suffixes with low vowel (/a/) and the high front vowel (/i/) in the initial position are attached to words with rounded vowels (/o, u/) in final position in some morphological processes such as diminutivisation and locativisation, the results are undesirable sequences (hiatus). In order to resolve such hiatus, a series of phonological processes such as the turning of the rounded vowel in the word final position into labial-velar glide allowing the adjacency of voiced labials with labial glide which violates the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) takes place. The present study analyses the OCP using empirical Changana data collected both in the fieldwork supplemented by data from other sources including bibliographical and introspective data. The article is organised as follows. Firstly, it discusses the theoretical framework; secondly it analyses the Hiatus Resolution in Changana; thirdly, it analyses the data and lastly, it presents the main conclusions of the study.

Initial geminations as non-actual surface forms in Qassimi Arabic

This paper sheds light on the treatment of initial gemination in Qassimi Arabic (QA), a Najdi dialect spoken in the Al-Qassim region in central Saudi Arabia, within the framework of Parallelism, an Optimality Theory (OT) model. The study concludes that initial geminates, which are non-actual surface forms in QA, result from the assimilation of the prefix /t-/ to stem-initial consonants of Arabic verb forms II and III, as well as hollow verbs, to avoid violation of the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP). On the other hand, initial semisyllables, as moraic consonants, originate from initial gemination and consequently motivate prosthesis; that is, the purpose of prosthesis is to affiliate a semisyllable to the syllable node without causing violation of the Strict Layer Hypothesis (SLH). Sequences of assimilation of prefix /t-/ plus prosthesis do not occur simultaneously, whereas regressive assimilation feeds the prosthetic vowel [i], which, in turn, feeds the prosthetic glottal stop [ʔ] to concur with the Onset Principle. These sequences thus indicate transparent rule interactions, that is, feeding. Parallel OT is then successfully utilized to account for this type of phonological derivation.

Phonetics and Phonology Paradox in Levantine Arabic: An Analytical Evaluation of Arabic Geminates’ Hypocrisy

This paper explores the phonetic and phonological paradox between two categories of Levantine-Arabic long consonants—known as geminates by looking closely at the hypocrite Arabic geminates. Hypocrite geminates are phonetically long segments in a sequence that are not contrastive. The paper seeks to demonstrate that Arabic geminates can be classified into two categories—true vs. fake geminates—based on the phonological process of inseparability and the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP). Thirty Levantine Arabic speakers have taken part in this case study. Fifteen participants were asked to utter a group of stimuli where the two types of geminates interact with the surrounding phonological environment. The other fifteen participants were recorded while reading target word lists that contained geminate consonants and medial singleton preceded by short and long consonants and engaging in naturalistic conversations. Auditory and acoustic analyses of long consonants were made. Results from the word lists indicated that while Arabic true geminates embrace the phonological process of inseparability, Arabic fake geminates do not. The case study also shows that the OCP seems to bridge the contradiction between these two categories of Arabic geminates.

Inheritance, contact, convergence

This article provides a comparative analysis of the suppletive allomorphy of two personal pronouns in the five African English-lexifier Creoles (AECs) Krio (Sierra Leone), Pichi (Equatorial Guinea), Ghanaian Pidgin English, Nigerian Pidgin, and Cameroon Pidgin. The alternation of the 3sg object forms =àm (a clitic) and ín (a non-clitic) is conditioned by a tonal obligatory contour principle (ocp), a vowel height ocp, animacy, and focus in different constellations across the five AECs. In addition, an epenthetic /r/ is recruited in four of the AECs to ensure that the ocp is not breached. The analyses suggest that pronominal suppletion in the AECs has been fashioned by processes of change and differentiation typical of geographically extensive language families, such as migration from linguistic homelands, acquisition by non-founder populations, interlectal cross-diffusion, as well as contact and convergence with adstrate, substrate, and superstrate languages.

Sonority distance and similarity avoidance effects in Moroccan Judeo-Spanish

This article investigates consonant gemination in late Nineteenth- and early Twentieth-century haketía, a now moribund, regional dialect of Judeo-Spanish spoken in northern Morocco since the late fifteenth century. Some, but not all, consonant clusters arising across a word boundary undergo regressive total assimilation, e.g. [n.n] siudad ninguna ‘no city’ but [z.n] laz niñas ‘the girls’. We present novel descriptive generalizations to show that regressive gemination is sensitive to the degree of sonority distance between the coda and the onset. Evidence of parasitic harmony comes from lateral+consonant clusters, which undergo gemination only if the target and trigger consonants are already similar in some respect. In the framework of Optimality Theory, we formalize syllable contact as a relational hierarchy of *Distance constraints and capture parasitic harmony effects by similarity avoidance, or Obligatory Contour Principle, constraints against adjacent consonants with identical manner and/or place features. These markedness constraints interact with other universal faithfulness and markedness constraints in a language-specific ranking that predicts the attested patterns of regressive gemination. This study lends further support to sonority distance effects and gradient syllable contact in phonological theory and shows that similarity avoidance is also necessary to give a full account of regressive gemination in Moroccan Judeo-Spanish.