Head movement and remnant movement

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin Williams
2008 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER COLE ◽  
YURIE HARA ◽  
NGEE THAI YAP

Peranakan Javanese (PNJ) is a relatively undescribed variety of Javanese spoken primarily by ethnic Chinese native speakers of Javanese in the city of Semarang in Central Java (Indonesia). PNJ makes a structural distinction between auxiliaries and main verbs. Auxiliaries are unique in that they undergo optional head movement to C. Not only do single auxiliaries move to C, as in familiar languages, but sequences of two or three auxiliaries can move to C as well. Significantly, the order of the moved auxiliaries is always the same as the order in their unmoved position. The distribution of auxiliaries in PNJ is predicted if a ‘tucking in’ (Richards 1997) analysis of head movement similar to that of Collins (2002) is adopted. The PNJ facts are of special interest not only because they are an example of an additional language/construction that shows the distribution expected on the basis of ‘tucking in’, but also because PNJ provides evidence that helps to distinguish between a head movement analysis and the ‘standard’ version of the remnant movement analysis, in which adverbs occupy fixed positions in the clause. It is quite difficult to distinguish between these approaches empirically, so the PNJ auxiliary facts are important in this regard.


2005 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristine Bentzen

Northern Norwegian (NN) allows verbs to precede adverbs in non-V2 contexts, whereas in Standard Norwegian (StN) verbs have to follow adverbs. These facts are discussed with respect to three different approaches to clausal structure. NN is problematic for a head movement account (cf. Cinque 1999) because multiple verbs may precede a given adverb, leading to violations of the Head Movement Constraint. A multiple positions account (cf. Ernst 2002, Svenonius 2002) would assume that any adverb in StN and NN can be adjoined to high positions, which may be problematic with respect to scope relations. A remnant movement approach (cf. Nilsen 2003) can account for both StN and much of the NN data by means of one generalisation, but a separate generalisation is needed for finite verbs in NN. Thus, all three approaches are faced with challenges with respect to the Norwegian data. However, it is argued that the remnant movement approach seems the most promising of the three approaches.


Author(s):  
Isaac L. Bleaman

AbstractPredicate fronting with doubling (also known as the predicate cleft) has long been a challenge for theories of syntax that do not predict the pronunciation of multiple occurrences. Previous analyses that derive the construction via syntactic movement, including those attributing verb doubling to the formation of parallel chains (e.g., Aboh 2006; Kandybowicz 2008), are incompatible with remnant movement (Müller 1998), which does not give rise to doubling. This article presents data from the predicate fronting construction in Yiddish, in which verbs always double but complements never do. I argue that these seemingly contradictory pronunciation facts can be reconciled even if one assumes that phrasal movement and head movement are both syntactic. More specifically, the pronunciation of occurrences in Yiddish (doubled or not) follows from the general conditions on Spell-Out (or Transferpf) defined by Collins and Stabler (2016), modified only to accommodate syntactic head movement. Post-syntactic PF repairs are thus not required to account for the facts of the Yiddish predicate fronting construction. If such repairs are needed to generate doubling phenomena in other languages, they should be explicitly defined so as to modify or override the predictions of default Spell-Out conditions.


1999 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 170-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara S. Muller ◽  
Pierre Bovet

Twelve blindfolded subjects localized two different pure tones, randomly played by eight sound sources in the horizontal plane. Either subjects could get information supplied by their pinnae (external ear) and their head movements or not. We found that pinnae, as well as head movements, had a marked influence on auditory localization performance with this type of sound. Effects of pinnae and head movements seemed to be additive; the absence of one or the other factor provoked the same loss of localization accuracy and even much the same error pattern. Head movement analysis showed that subjects turn their face towards the emitting sound source, except for sources exactly in the front or exactly in the rear, which are identified by turning the head to both sides. The head movement amplitude increased smoothly as the sound source moved from the anterior to the posterior quadrant.


This project is regarding the Motion controlled wheelchair for disabled. We are going to control motorized wheelchair using a head band having motion sensor and Arduino as controller. Problem: “often disabled who cannot walk find themselves being burden for their families or caretakers just for moving around the house. Disabled who are paralysed below head, who may not have functioning arms cannot control joystick controlled electric wheelchair.” This project is to solve their problem using a motion sensor to control their wheelchair. We are aiming towards building a more affordable, unique, low maintenance and available for all kind of head-controlled wheel chair.


Author(s):  
Richard Compton

This chapter examines polysynthetic word formation in Inuit (Eskimo-Aleut), using the presence and variable ordering of a closed class of adverbs within verbal complexes as a diagnostic device to evaluate the adequacy of different accounts of word formation. It is argued that a head movement account of Mirror Principle orders within Inuit words undergenerates with respect to the observed variation in adverb ordering, particularly if a fixed hierarchy of adverbial functional projections is assumed, as in Cinque (1999). Instead, it is shown that an analysis that employs a right-headed structure, XP-sized phasal words, and Ernst’s (2002) semantically based framework of adverb licensing better captures the observed variation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhong Zhao ◽  
Zhipeng Zhu ◽  
Xiaobin Zhang ◽  
Haiming Tang ◽  
Jiayi Xing ◽  
...  

Retina ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 32 (7) ◽  
pp. 1324-1327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin A. Mccannel ◽  
Eric J. Olson ◽  
Mark J. Donaldson ◽  
Sophie J. Bakri ◽  
Jose S. Pulido ◽  
...  

Linguistics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (6) ◽  
pp. 1737-1773
Author(s):  
Kyumin Kim

AbstractThe goal of this paper is to address the syntax of certain oblique nominals in Blackfoot (Algonquian) that are introduced by a set of verbal prefixes called linkers. In the literature, an oblique nominal introduced by a verbal affix always shows certain properties of objects, e.g., agreement. This type of affix is analyzed as forming a complex verb with the main verb via head movement, and the oblique nominal is treated as an object of the complex verb. However, this paper demonstrates that oblique nominals introduced by linkers in Blackfoot do not show certain object properties even though the linker looks like it forms a complex verb. Building on the lack of object properties, linker phrases are proposed to be adjuncts. As proposed for adjuncts generally (e.g., Stephanov, Arthur. 2001. Late adjunction and minimalist phrase structure. Syntax 4(2). 94–125), this paper proposes a late merge analysis for linker phrases. Within an Agree-based model (Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist inquiries: The framework. In Roger Martin, David Michaels & Juan Uriagereka (eds.), Step by step: Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik, 89–155. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2001. Derivation by phase. In Michael Kenstowicz (ed.), Ken Hale: A life in language, 1–52. Cambridge: The MIT Press) where the derivation proceeds by phases (Chomsky 2008), a linker phrase, as an adjunct, lacks the relevant features to participate in the derivation via Agree, and thus it merges late at the end of a given phasal derivation such as vP. When spell out applies, the linker linearizes with a [V-v] complex in the base position, i.e., vP, giving its surface appearance as a verbal affix. Under this view, a linker does not lead to formation of a complex verb as it does not undergo head movement to the verb, unlike applicative affixes, consistent with the absence of object properties.


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