“It’s Complicated”

2021 ◽  
pp. 131-148
Author(s):  
Brian D. McKenzie

In line with the inclusionary dilemma theme of this volume, I examine the Obama administration’s public and private exchanges with Black religious communities. In many ways, Barack Obama’s political experiences highlighted elements of the inclusionary dilemma. On one hand, Black church social networks assisted Obama in establishing a political career in Illinois politics. But this association with Black institutions, particularly Chicago’s Trinity United Church of Christ and Rev. Jeremiah Wright, would later become a political liability for Obama as he sought support from White voters in the 2008 general election. Thus, Obama’s challenge was to simultaneously appear as an advocate for African American political interests and effectively represent the nation as a whole. Since Black faith communities primarily work to advance Black interests, President Obama’s team may have limited their outreach and public backing of this constituency. At the same time, Obama called for policies with broad appeal among progressives. Using the inclusionary dilemma framework as an analytic lens, this chapter explores the administration’s actions and the political interests of Black Christians. I briefly reflect on the actions of the current US president, Donald Trump, as they relate to religion and politics in Black communities.

1972 ◽  
Vol os-19 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Delbert Rice

Traditionally, decisions among the iKalahan (North Luzon, Philippines) are made by the entire community in open conference. Elders, chosen for maturity, civic-mindedness, activity, memory, good public relations, cooperativeness, and dependability, formulate community decisions and assist in settling disputes. Mutual moral support is strong, and community disapproval and removal of support is a powerful means of social control. When the United Church of Christ in the Philippines came on the scene (1954), it brought its own Western-type Book of Government. But the prescribed representative structures were rejected by the iKalahan in favor of open congregational meetings; church officers are task oriented and do not exercise much authority. Congregational nurture, as distinct from making decisions, is the province of specialists, which is in accord with tradition. Means of social control are also being evolved along traditional lines.


1960 ◽  
Vol 11 (8) ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Addison J. Eastman ◽  
Richard B. Poetig ◽  
Frank W. Price

The Reverend Addison J. Eastman has been a missionary of the American Baptist Foreign Missionary Society in Burma, and is now Director of the Missionary Personnel Program in the Division of Foreign Missions, NCCC-USA. The Reverend Richard B. Poetig has been sent by the Commission on Ecumenical Mission and Relations of the United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. to serve as Minister for Industrial Evangelism, in the United Church of Christ, Manila, The Philippines. Frank W. Price is Director of the Missionary Research Library


Author(s):  
Susan T. Falck

This chapter clarifies that black communities experienced emancipation traditions in different ways. Given the large proportion of blacks in Natchez, and the region’s well-established free black community, it seemed probable that Natchez would experience a robust emancipation tradition. That was not the case. The grand 1867 Fourth of July parade in Natchez organized by the Union League drew a large crowd of African Americans, suggesting the beginnings of a bold emancipation tradition. Instead, public emancipation celebrations dwindled. By the time of the 1871 Decoration Day observance, leaders stressed reconciliation and a tribute to Confederate as well as Union soldiers, a far different message heard only four years earlier. The erosion of a black emancipation tradition resulted from the unusually close ties that existed between Natchez free blacks and white elites, and the fear among free blacks that it was in their best political interests to suppress such traditions.


Worldview ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 38-42
Author(s):  
Frank Patton

American Protestantism, long something of a sacred cow in American life and politics, now finds itself seriously threatened by government on several fronts. The battle is shaping up over church tax exemptions, and the stakes, for both church and society, are breathtakingly high.In July, 1909, the Communications Office of the United Church of Christ announced that it intended to testify before a Senate subcommittee on legislation regarding the renewal of television licenses. Two weeks later the good churchmen received notice from the Internal Revenue Service that “substantial” efforts to influence legislation could “jeopardize” the church's tax exemption.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 328-354
Author(s):  
Flávia Saldanha Kroetz

Rwanda and Bosnia and Herzegovina were scenarios of large-scale violence throughout the 1990s, substantiated by the manipulation of public and private discourses that denied diversity. After the conflicts, the states were faced with the challenge of addressing not only the consequences of the conflicts but also the constructed narratives behind them. In the two cases, public policies were implemented to elude further violence and strengthen a peaceful and long-term coexistence. Whether based on the rejection of ethnic identity or on the preservation of ethnic and national divides, both countries adopted policies that undermine basic rights and ignore sections of society excluded from official versions of history. Victimization is still a tool for political interests and remains present in public discourses. Irrespective of governmental policies that intend to surpass ancient animosities, divisionism is still present and underpins politics, religion, and social life in Rwanda and in Bosnia.


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