Terrorism and the media: from the Iran hostage crisis to the Oklahoma City bombing

1996 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 805-805
Author(s):  
Frank Gregory
2005 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 86-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tory J. Caeti ◽  
John Liederbach ◽  
Steven S. Bellew

The policing of critical incident scenes, including natural disasters, hazardous materials spills, hostage situations, and terrorist attacks, has become an especially salient topic in the post-September 11 environment. Given the attention-grabbing nature of these events, police administrators are often faced with the task of building and maintaining relationships with members of the media at these scenes, primarily reporters and their crews who often pursue goals that are in direct conflict with those of law enforcement. This article examines the issues related to police—media relations at critical incident scenes using interview data from subjects involved in policing the scene of the Oklahoma City bombing and the related trials of Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols. These interviews provide a context for the presentation of guidelines important to police administrators who must be able to forge successful relationships with the media at critical incidents.


Author(s):  
Jody Madeira

In contemporary society, “closure” refers to “end to a traumatic event or an emotional process” (Berns, 2011, pp. 18–19)—and, in the more specific context of capital punishment, controversy over what, if anything, is needed for murder victims’ families to attain healing and finality or move forward with their lives, including the execution of their loved one’s killer. The term is highly politicized, and is used by both death penalty advocates and its opponents to build arguments in favor of their respective positions. Closure has been indelibly linked to both capital punishment and media institutions since the late 1990s and early 2000s. The media’s penchant for covering emotional events and its role in informing the American public and recording newsworthy events make it perfectly suited to construct, publicize, and reinforce capital punishment’s alleged therapeutic consequences. Legal and political officials also reinforce the supposed link between closure and capital punishment, asking jurors to sentence offenders to death or upholding death sentences to provide victims’ families with a chance to heal. Such assertions are also closely related to beliefs that a particular offender is defiant or lacks remorse. Surprisingly, however, the association between closure and capital punishment has only recently been subjected to empirical scrutiny. Researchers have found that victims’ families deem closure a myth and often find executions themselves unsatisfying, provided that a perpetrator does not enjoy high media visibility so that the execution has a silencing effect, as did Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh’s execution by lethal injection in 2001. Recent empirical examinations of the link between capital punishment and closure prompt a redefinition of closure through which victims’ family members learn to cope with, work through, and tell the story of a murder and its impact. This redefinition is less sensational and thus perhaps less newsworthy, which may have the salubrious effect of discouraging extensive media emphasis on executions’ closure potential. Another way to decouple closure from capital punishment is for media organizations to change their practices of covering perpetrators, such as by not continually showing images of the perpetrator and by incorporating a more extensive focus on the victims and their families. While government officials have called for the media to exercise restraint in the wake of such events as the Oklahoma City bombing and 9/11, victims’ groups are now beginning to advocate for this same goal, with much success.


Psychiatry ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 296-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Betty Pfefferbaum ◽  
Debby E. E. Doughty

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