The Implications of Lexical Exceptions for the Nature of Grammar

2008 ◽  
pp. 542-551
Author(s):  
Sharon Inkelas ◽  
Orhan Orgun ◽  
Cheryl Zoll
Keyword(s):  
1981 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth A. Berman

ABSTRACTThe paper examines the acquisition of selected aspects of the inflectional system of Modern Hebrew, a language rich in bound morphology. By age three, children acquire the major inflectionally marked categories of the system, in the sense that they make semantically relevant distinctions of tense, person, number, and gender. Certain morphologically complex forms are simplified by neutralization or reformulation or by analytic paraphrases of bound constructions. Various anomalous forms are handled by regularization of lexical exceptions or by conflating forms belonging to different lexical patterns, while forms which are opaque due to neutralization of historically distinct root consonants or to inaccessibility of rules governing their alternations are processed by reference to certain ‘paradigms’ taken as basic.


Phonology ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Franks

Although primary word stress regularly falls on the penult in Polish and on the antepenult in Macedonian, there are a number of lexical exceptions in both languages. In the first generative treatment of such exceptions, Comrie (1976) suggested two unrelated diacritic features, [± stressable] for Polish and [ ± never posttonic] for Macedonian, in order to accommodate the accentual paradigms exhibited by exceptional words within the framework of Chomsky & Halle (1968). More recently, metrical accounts of exceptional stress have been proposed in Franks (1985), Halle & Vergnaud (1987) and Rubach & Booij (1985) for Polish and in Franks (1987, forthcoming) and Halle & Vergnaud (1987) for Macedonian. These analyse deviations from the regular patterns in the two languages in completely unrelated ways – in Polish exceptional stress is a consequence of idiosyncratic extrametricality, whereas in Macedonian it results from the idiosyncratic presence of an inherent accent. Responding to this type of analysis, Hammond (1989) argues that an alternative treatment in which exceptional stress in both languages is treated similarly is conceptually more elegant and descriptively superior. He accomplishes this by employing roughly the same set of stress rules for Polish and Macedonian, with the exception that lexical accent is interpreted differently in the two languages.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
José Ignacio Hualde ◽  
Christopher D. Eager

AbstractIn the Spanish of north-western Spain, word-final /-d/ shows a remarkable variety of phonetic outcomes. Its possible realizations include voiced approximants, voiceless fricatives and voiced and voiceless plosives, in addition to the deletion of the segment. Here we examine this complex pattern of allophony in a corpus of conversational speech, focusing on the effect of the following phonological context. The results show that most commonly /-d/ is either deleted or realized as a voiceless fricative. Voiceless fricatives are found in all phrasal contexts, but with significantly higher frequency before pause than before a vowel, which is consistent with the hypothesis of diachronic extension of the devoicing from the former context to the latter. The devoicing of /-d/ is neutralizing. Voiceless fricative realizations of /-d/ do not differ from those of phonemic /-θ/ either in amount of voicing or in duration. This implies that deletion and devoicing represent two alternative patterns of reduction starting from [ð], since phonemic /-θ/ is not subject to deletion. Whereas the deletion of /-d/ has lexical exceptions, its devoicing does not. Among the majority of /d/-final words, for which deletion is possible, the relative frequency with which they undergo deletion vs. devoicing appears to vary substantially depending on the specific lexical item. That is, both position in phrase and lexical identity probabilistically determine the realization of /-d/. In addition to contributing to our understanding of the synchronic and diachronic phonology of word-final obstruents in Spanish, we consider the extent to which these data, showing variable word-final devoicing, may help us understand the historical evolution of the crosslinguistically common phenomenon of systematic word-final devoicing.


Diachronica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Sims-Williams ◽  
Hans-Olav Enger

Abstract The loss of inflectional categories is often thought of as a type of simplification. In this paper we present a survey of phenomena involving the reduction of adjective agreement in Scandinavian, using examples from Norwegian, and discuss their diachronic origins, including a new account of the development of indeclinability in adjectives such as kry ‘proud’. These examples each involve lexically restricted non-canonical inflection – syncretism, defectiveness, overdifferentiation and periphrasis – in particular paradigm cells or syntactic environments. They show that the loss of inflection does not necessarily simplify grammar, and in some cases, can increase grammatical complexity by adding lexical exceptions to general rules. This excludes simplification as the motivation, even if it is the eventual result. We argue from these historical developments that speakers are liable to analyse idiosyncratic patterns of inflection as lexically specified, even where more general (but perhaps more abstract) alternatives are possible. Thus speakers do not always operate with a maximally elegant, reductionist approach to inflection classes.


Phonology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-399
Author(s):  
Holly J. Kennard

This paper investigates stress patterns in Breton across speakers of different ages and with different linguistic backgrounds. Centuries of contact with French have led to French influence in Breton lexis, phonology and morphosyntax, and Breton's current status as an endangered minority language makes it vulnerable to further change. Additionally, younger ‘new speakers’ of Breton, who have acquired the language through Breton-medium education, are said to transfer features from French into their Breton. Analysis of stress usage shows that older, traditional speakers use stress largely as expected, while there is a greater degree of interspeaker variation among younger, new speakers. These data are used to form a metrical analysis of stress in Breton, taking into account lexical exceptions, loanwords and the variability of younger speakers. Rather than widespread transfer of French stress patterns into Breton, some younger speakers seem to be using two competing stress systems.


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