First References to the Term “Ghetto” in the Ideological Discourse of the Makers of Anti-Jewish Policy in the Third Reich (1933–1938)

Author(s):  
Dan Michman ◽  
Lenn J. Schramm
2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-44
Author(s):  
Anna M. Rosner

Between 1933 and 1939 many British organisations, as well as individuals, who witnessed the rise of Nazi Germany, the implementation of anti-Jewish laws, and growing anti-Semitism, decided to take action. There were numerous attempts aimed at supporting Jews living in the Third Reich, either by providing them with money or by helping them emigrate. This article describes two largest such programmes, i.e. the Kindertransports, and an unnamed action focused on intellectuals, scientists, and artists. The article first discusses the character of both, and then proceeds to explore the question of the character of the migrations presented, as well as the differences between migration and refuge seeking. It concludes with the issue of post-war mobility of the participants of both programmes.


DÍKÉ ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2020 (2) ◽  
pp. 68-80
Author(s):  
Veronika Lehotay

The aim of the study is to demonstrate the arguments and debates of jurists and the experts of the criminology about equality, liberties in the Horthy era when these issues were challenged by the restrictions of rights, such as the Anti-Jewish laws and the racial policies. In this period the criminal law focused on the personality and the social background of the perpetrator as an influence of anthropological criminology which combines the study of human races and their personal characteristics with the criminal propensity instincts. In the literature of criminal law new issues appeared such as the restriction of rights, deprivation of rights and racial policies as the influences of the Nurnberg Laws in the Third Reich. The jurists in Hungary paid close attention to the jurisdiction in the Third Reich, but they did not set an example for Hungary.  According to their arguments, the German way of the racial law in the Hungarian context is not adaptable because its society is too multi-ethnic. This resonates with the opinion of Pál Angyal, who was the leading figure of the criminal law in Hungary. According to his view, criminal law cannot be a tool for racism, but it can be useful in the field of civil law and the state administration. Despite the jurist’s cautious argument, the racial policies appeared in legislation after 1938.


Author(s):  
Christopher Ocker

The uncomfortable question of Martin Luther’s place in the development of modern anti-Semitism is raised by Luther’s status as a national cultural icon after German unification (1871) and by the fact that the Third Reich (1933–1945) perpetrated what is arguably the most violently racist state policy known to human history thus far. Luther contributed to the symbiosis of religious and secular prejudices. The reception of Luther’s anti-Jewish discourse illustrates the gradual diffusion of religious hostility into a society where churches slid from a central position to the margins of social influence. This can only be understood against the backdrop of a long chronology of religious thinking. The long chronology shows that Luther was more a conduit than a catalyst of European anti-Jewish polemic and feeling.


2012 ◽  
Vol 52 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 450-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Flores

One of the main constituents of the so-called Islamofascism is, in the eyes of those who subscribe to this conception, the close affinity of Arabs (and sometimes, Muslims) to Nazi ideology and possibly practice. To bolster this notion, its proponents do basically three things: first, they try to prove that a massive majority of Arabs took a pro-Nazi stand during the Third Reich and especially during World War II and that important Arab figures collaborated with Nazi Germany during the War. Secondly, they point to widespread—real and alleged—anti-Jewish beliefs among present-day Arabs. And thirdly, they claim that there is a personal, political and ideological continuity between both phenomena and that, thus, present-day Arab Judeophobia has the same character, scope and possible effect as the anti-Semitism of the Nazis. During the War, so the argument goes, Arab attitudes were part and parcel of Nazi ideology, and they largely retained this quality although, after the War, Nazism was overcome in Europe. In this article, three more recent publications which subscribe to the above mentioned argument will be critically discussed.


Author(s):  
Steven Michael Press

In recognizing more than just hyperbole in their critical studies of National Socialist language, post-war philologists Viktor Klemperer (1946) and Eugen Seidel (1961) credit persuasive words and syntax with the expansion of Hitler's ideology among the German people. This popular explanation is being revisited by contemporary philologists, however, as new historical argument holds the functioning of the Third Reich to be anything but monolithic. An emerging scholarly consensus on the presence of more chaos than coherence in Nazi discourse suggests a new imperative for research. After reviewing the foundational works of Mein Kampf (1925) and Myth of the Twentieth Century (1930), the author confirms Klemperer and Seidel’s claim for linguistic manipulation in the rise of the National Socialist Party. Most importantly, this article provides a detailed explanation of how party leaders employed rhetorical language to promote fascist ideology without an underlying basis of logical argumentation.


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