Bifurcating the verb particle construction

2001 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 119-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joan Sawyer

In the literature, John threw the ball up and The baby threw his dinner up have both been treated as members of the set of verb particle constructions (VPC). Syntactic evidence from action nominalizations, insertion of degree adverbials, contrastive stress, and gapped constructions (Fraser, 1976) suggests that the VPC must be bifurcated into two classes: a verb adverb construction (VAC) containing a verb, a complement, and an adverb and a VPC with a verb, complement, and a particle. Literature on the acquisition of the VPC has not taken this distinction into account. This article focuses on the acquisition of the VAC. The patterning on syntactic tests is a result of the fact that adverbs are predicators and particles are not. Additional syntactic tests (initial coordination of adverbs and adverbs+PPs and placing locative adverbs in argument positions) suggest that adverbs (not particles) are phrasal constituents: the adverb takes the apparent object as its subject. The bifurcation of the VPC and the suggested structure are supported by evidence from child language acquisition. Children treat the two constructions differently from the earliest stages. Crucially, the overwhelming error (79%) in VAC use is dropping the grammatical object. The timing of this error corresponds to that of subject drop in the null subject stage.

Author(s):  
William Snyder

Compound word formation is examined from the twin perspectives of comparative grammar and child language acquisition. Points of cross-linguistic variation addressed include the availability of bare-stem endocentric compounding as a “creative” process, head modifier order, the distribution of linking elements in Swedish and German compounds, the possibility of recursion, and the availability of synthetic compounding of the -ER (English dish washer) and bare-stem (French lave-vaisselle) types. Proposals discussed at length include Beard’s Generalization (which links head modifier order in compounds to the position of attributive adjectives), Snyder’s Compounding Parameter (linking syntactic availability of verb-particle constructions and adjectival resultatives to availability of creative endocentric compounding), and Gordon’s acquisitional studies of Kiparsky’s Generalization (concerning restrictions on regular plural-marking within compounds).


Languages ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 76
Author(s):  
Susan E. Kalt

Variation among closely related languages may reveal the inner workings of language acquisition, loss and innovation. This study of the existing literature and of selected interviews from recent narrative corpora compares the marking of evidentiality and epistemic modality in Chuquisaca, Bolivian Quechua with its closely related variety in Cuzco, Peru and investigates three hypotheses: that morpho-syntactic attrition proceeds in reverse order of child language acquisition, that convergence characterizes the emergence of grammatical forms different from L1 and L2 in contact situations, and that the Quechua languages are undergoing typological shift toward more isolating morphology. It appears that reportive -sis disappeared first in Bolivia, with eyewitness/validator -min retaining only the validator function. This finding seems to concord with reverse acquisition since it has previously been claimed that epistemic marking is acquired earlier than evidential marking in Cuzco. Meanwhile, Spanish and Quechua in nearby Cochabamba are claimed to mark reportive evidentiality via freestanding verbs of saying. I explore the reportive use of ñiy ‘to say’ in Chuquisaca as compared to Cochabamba and Cuzco and suggest the need for comparative statistical studies of evidential and epistemic marking in Southern Quechua.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document