Comforts, Clubs, and the Casino: Food and the Perpetuation of the British Class System in First World War Civilian Internment Camps

2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 487-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadja Durbach

Abstract Internment in camps for enemy aliens during the First World War might have led to a commonality of experience given that all civilian prisoners of war (POWs) were theoretically enduring the same material conditions. However, the privileges associated with social rank and with wealth led to profoundly different bodily regimes within these camps. The British class system was in fact perpetuated within the civilian internment camps established in the United Kingdom and among British subjects interned by the enemy, particularly in relation to the consumption of additional and superior food and drink that arrived in parcels from home and was provided at camp facilities for the privileged. These class distinctions had tangible material consequences for the interned, as not all bodies were equally subjected to the privations of the camp regime. That some POWs had access to more and better food throughout much of the First World War underscores the British state’s lack of commitment to the ideal of equality of bodily sacrifice. Instead the British government was complicit in perpetuating class inequalities both among its own subjects and those it had interned, even during a moment of international crisis when the social order was clearly being upended.

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-416
Author(s):  
Jessica Martell

At the outbreak of the First World War, George Russell (Æ) published a series of editorials in the Irish Homestead calling for Ireland to secure food reserves against the demands he predicted Britain would make upon Irish agricultural sectors to fuel the war effort. Irish agriculture, Russell writes, is part of a peculiar market shaped by empire: ‘Ireland is a food producing nation’; and yet ‘a machinery of export […] automatically deducts’ Irish cattle, pork, butter, milk, poultry, and eggs, ‘week by week’, while ‘week by week’ bacon, meat, flour, and other goods are imported. The machinery of war, it is implied, could easily disrupt these trade channels and trigger a scarcity crisis. Such an event would not be caused by an actual food shortage but by the unpredictable pressures of wartime markets, in which what Russell calls ‘famine prices’ would deplete food reserves. By analyzing Russell's strategic deployment of the language of colonial economics, this article argues that Russell recirculates the cultural memory of Ireland's Great Famine within Revivalist discourse in order to protest the conscription of Ireland's food reserves, rallying support for co-operatives as a matter of national defense. Co-operation dispels perceptions of Ireland as a quaint backwater of sleepy farms and reveals a competing vision of rural modernity that contrasts sharply with the terrifying military technologies and sense of a traumatic break with the past that typically anchor understandings of modernity in the era. For Russell, securing food sovereignty through self-sufficient, decentralized cooperatives could secure political sovereignty for the modern Irish nation, providing a blueprint for a new social order as geopolitical categories were re-constellated by global conflict.


2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-21
Author(s):  
Ada Ackerman

During the First World War, French, British, and US sculptors dedicated their creative practice and knowledge to making masks for soldiers with facial injuries, thus allying art and science in an attempt to restore the most essential aspect of the soldiers’ identities. As artistic resources were mobilized to counter the destructive effects of the war, this new kind of sculpture engendered myths and fantasies about the artists’ power. This article argues that ultimately, though, the practice of mask-making was used as a strategy that benefitted the preservation of the prevailing economic and social order.


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