Pivot and puzzling relativization in Indonesian

2021 ◽  
pp. 181-202
Author(s):  
I Wayan Arka
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Complementary Distribution

This chapter presents a novel analysis of Indonesian relative clauses that makes use of the Pivot (PIV) notion as an abstract discourse-syntactic overlay function involving prominent GFs (SUBJ/OBJ) and prominent DFs (FOC-C/TOP-C). The analysis resolves certain perennial relativization issues in Indonesian. The PIV-based analysis not only offers a solution to the Indonesian relativization puzzles presented but sheds light upon the fallibilities of previous analyses of Indonesian relativization processes, which assume gapping and pronominal copy strategies to be in complementary distribution. Instead, the PIV-based analysis offers a stronger account for these facts whereby the presence of overt SUBJ in the tight yang structure with nasal AV verbs renders the relativization of OBJ unacceptable, irrespective of which relativization strategy is used. This can be thought of as a ‘hard’ grammatical constraint of SUBJ relativization in Indonesian, which requires gapping.

The origin and use of a relative clause construction that targets objects in Orungu (Bantu, Gabon)

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 615-637 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark L. O. Van de Velde ◽  
Odette Ambouroue
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Thematic Role ◽  
Rare Type ◽  
Complementary Distribution ◽  
Bantu Language ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Syntactic Relation

Abstract This paper provides an analysis of two relative clause constructions in the Gabonese Bantu language Orungu that are in complementary distribution. The choice between them is determined by the target of relativisation in a typologically interesting way, in that it involves the combination of the criteria of the syntactic relation, thematic role and referential properties of the target. The construction that targets most types of objects is formally nearly identical to relative clauses that target the subject of a passive clause and we argue that it originates in the syntactic reanalysis of such subject relatives. That is, relative clauses that targeted the subject of a passive clause have been reanalysed as relative clauses that target the object of an active clause. This shows a rare type of change in relative clause constructions, which is unique in Bantu, but grounded in the universal tendencies captured by the accessibility hierarchy.

Gothic Relative Clauses Introduced by and Revisited

2010 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Elena Afros
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
The Other ◽  
Symmetric System ◽  
Relative Pronoun ◽  
Complementary Distribution ◽  
Grammatical Categories ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Relative Pronouns

The Gothic invariant relativizers and have been analyzed in different ways. Von der Gabelentz and Loebe (1836/1846), Harbert (1992), Klinghardt (1877), and Streitberg (1910) treated and as indeclinable relative particles. Musić (1929) and Wright (1954), on the other hand, regarded them as relative pronouns. The present study shows that in the attested Gothic, and do not form a symmetric system with the opposition of gender. In addition, and appear to lack the grammatical categories of number and case applicable to the pronominal relativizers in Gothic and therefore cannot be classified as pronouns. Significantly, the elements and are reserved for certain types of antecedents and constructions, which might indicate that diachronically, they might have been in complementary distribution with relative pronouns, as suggested by Delbrück (1909). Synchronically, however, it is impossible to account for overlapping distribution of the relativizers and , the relative pronoun based on the demonstrative, and the complementizers and .

scholarly journals Restrictive vs non-restrictive relative clauses in Hausa where morphosyntax and semantics meet

1998 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-238
Author(s):  
Philip J. Jaggar
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Complementary Distribution ◽  
Restrictive Relative Clauses ◽  
The One ◽  
Syntactic Properties

Restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses in Hausa are characterized by morpho syntactic properties which are in (near) complementary distribution. Restrictives are introduced by one of two relative markers--either complex HL(L) tone wanda/wadda/waaanda (MSG/FSG/PL) 'the one(s) who(m), which, that etc', or simplex da 'who(m), which, that, etc.'-and (normally) require a focus (suka, suke, etc.) form of the inflectional (perfective/imperfective) agreementaspect paradigms. Non-restrictives, in contrast, are (for many speakers) distinguished from restrictives as follows: (1) they are introduced by a distinctive all L tone allomorph of the explicit relativizing pronoun wanda/wadda/waa anda; and (2) some speakers also allow either the same focus form of the !NFL as occurs in restrictives, or use the neutral non-focus (sun, suna, etc.) form as a possible alternative. This tense-aspect variation is attributable to the fact that non-restrictive relative clauses are (coordinate-like) appositional constructions which do not uniquely restrict/define/identify, etc. their antecedents.

scholarly journals relatives possessives en mbochi (C25)

2010 ◽  
Vol 53 ◽  
pp. 7-31
Author(s):  
Jean-Marc Beltzung ◽  
Annie Rialland ◽  
Martial Embanga Aborobongui
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Complementary Distribution ◽  
Bantu Language ◽  
Possessive Constructions ◽  
Congo Brazzaville ◽  
Detailed Presentation

This paper deals with the possessive constructions — either connective or relative — in Mbochi (C25), a Bantu language spoken in Congo-Brazzaville. In Mbochi, as in most languages of the same group (C20), the underlying /CV-/ form of nominal prefixes never surfaces as such but is targeted by two main processes: consonantal dissimilation and vowel elision. Both processes are in complementary distribution and the alternations triggered by them may explain the surface forms of both connective and relative constructions. In order to provide the necessary background for the study of Mbochi relative clauses, the three subject markers of Mbochi are introduced and the main verbal suffixes are also discussed. Thereafter, a detailed presentation and analysis of the relative constructions is given. Finally, we discuss the prosody of these constructions, showing that relative clauses in Mbochi have no particular tonal markers and we propose a model involving superimposed boundary tones to account for their intonation.  

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