Gothic Relative Clauses Introduced by and Revisited

2010 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Elena Afros

The Gothic invariant relativizers and have been analyzed in different ways. Von der Gabelentz and Loebe (1836/1846), Harbert (1992), Klinghardt (1877), and Streitberg (1910) treated and as indeclinable relative particles. Musić (1929) and Wright (1954), on the other hand, regarded them as relative pronouns. The present study shows that in the attested Gothic, and do not form a symmetric system with the opposition of gender. In addition, and appear to lack the grammatical categories of number and case applicable to the pronominal relativizers in Gothic and therefore cannot be classified as pronouns. Significantly, the elements and are reserved for certain types of antecedents and constructions, which might indicate that diachronically, they might have been in complementary distribution with relative pronouns, as suggested by Delbrück (1909). Synchronically, however, it is impossible to account for overlapping distribution of the relativizers and , the relative pronoun based on the demonstrative, and the complementizers and .

2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Nora Boneh ◽  
Łukasz Jędrzejowski

Abstract The main aim of this introduction article is to give a general overview of how habituality has been investigated in the literature as a grammatical category. In doing so, we first elaborate on the question of how habituality can be characterized and what difficulties one encounters in determining its properties, which include non-contingent modal event recurrence. A brief discussion of these issues is given in Section 2. Section 3 outlines selected (conceptual and formal) connections between habituality and other grammatical categories. What our observations essentially indicate is that habituality, on the one hand, closely interacts with several TAM categories, most prominently imperfective aspect and its derivatives (progressive, continuative), and also interacts in special ways with modal categories, such as the evidential or the future, on the other hand, we also observe – as has been done previously – that habituality is often not encoded overtly and can be expressed by several forms within one and the same language, and if overtly marked by a dedicated form, diachronically, it is not always stable. Finally, Section 4 summarizes the most relevant findings of the articles collected in the present special issue and highlights their importance for the general discussion about habituality.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Chiaki Kumamoto

This paper examines the use of who and which with human antecedents in non-restrictive relative clauses. Apart from the cases where the antecedent is a property NP, the contexts that require which are claimed to be those where the antecedent is a non-specifi c NP (Kuno 1970, Declerck 1991). However, the use of which is not limited to these cases. Moreover, there are cases where which is not allowed even though the antecedent is a non-specifi c NP. I will argue that in order to fully account for the choice between who and which, it is crucial to consider not only the referentiality and the specifi city of the antecedent NP but also the semantic function that the relative pronoun plays in the clause, specifi cally, whether it is a referential NP, a property NP, or an NP involving a variable.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 162-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Rosa Espinosa-Ochoa

Abstract The verbs ser and estar have been a subject of great debate in the literature, mainly because the adjectives that are combined with each copula are not in complementary distribution. A cognitive linguistics approach proposes that estar allows for a comparison of the entity referred to by the utterance’s subject and that very same entity that goes through a temporal change; on the other hand, ser allows for a comparison among entities of different type (Delbecque, 1997). I provide an analysis of spontaneous child-directed speech from a longitudinal database and find variation sets that may allow children to detect the differences between ser and estar. In child-directed speech, the entities referred to by the subject of a sentence with estar are always entities that undergo a perceptible change within an activity of daily life, while the entities referred to with ser never undergo a change.


Author(s):  
Juan Jesús Vázquez Álvarez ◽  
Jessica Coon

This chapter surveys headless relative clauses in Ch’ol, a Mayan language spoken in the state of Chiapas in southern Mexico. Ch’ol is rare among Mayan languages in possessing a special morpheme found with relativized nouns, the second position clitic = bä. While this morpheme is required for relativized argument nouns, it is not present in free relatives, which suggests a different derivation for this class of construction. Maximal (definite) and existential (indefinite) free relatives are described. They both make use of a fronted wh-expression and lack the morpheme = bä. Maximal and existential free relatives in Ch’ol appear identical to one another in structure. Following existing studies on other languages, it is argued that the different interpretations of these clauses are a result of the environments in which they appear. Finally, Ch’ol has two different types of constructions in which a determiner element is followed by a headless relative: one corresponding to the = bä structure and one corresponding to the free relative structure. The former is proposed to be a regular headed relative clause with an unpronounced head, as has elsewhere been argued for Yucatec. The latter, on the other hand, corresponds to a free relative structure with an added determiner element.


Author(s):  
Kiriko Sato

The present paper examines the choice of relative pronouns in the First Quarto and First Folio texts of Shakespeare’s Richard III, with the purpose of testing the adequacy of the memorial reconstruction hypothesis, which Patrick first proposed in his 1936 monograph. He notes a high proportion of corrupted readings in the Quarto, suggesting that it is a reconstruction of the Folio, created by actors relying on their inaccurate memories. On the other hand, Smidt (1964) demonstrates that the Quarto’s readings are preferable in many details, though he admits Patrick’s hypothesis, in part, in his second book (1970). Regarding the use of relative pronouns, there is a crucial difference between the two texts: the Folio uses that 13 times to introduce non-restrictive clauses, while the Quarto uses which, and these two items are never substituted the other way around. Interestingly, the Quarto’s choice accords with Shakespeare’s ordinary usage, whereas the Folio deviates from it. Thus, the memorial reconstruction hypothesis cannot explain the variants of relative pronouns. It will be posited that relative pronouns in the Quarto text may have been deliberately revised in the process of written transmission.


Revue Romane ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Claude Anscombre

Résumé The French construction heureusement que shows a que that has been recently analyzed as a very specific relative pronoun, an evidential que, which introduces a proposition considered as having been previously uttered. On the other hand, the pronoun qui – apart from its common use as an anaphoric relative – had a specific function until the end of the 17th century: it could be used with no antecedent, and with an indefinite and suppositive value meaning ‘if one’. The first part of this study draws up a full list of both constructions in French. The second part of the study is mainly diachronic, and explores the origins of these two pronouns in classical Latin, as well as their evolution through Romance languages, namely French, Italian and Spanish.


Revue Romane ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-94
Author(s):  
Anna Sőrés

Abstract The morphemes such as the French au or the Italien nel are designed by different terms in grammars of Romance languages, which shows that it is difficult to identify the lexical category of this type of fusional morpheme. The aim of this paper is to propose a detailed analysis of these contracted forms. I suggest that the fusion occurs during a secondary grammaticalization. This process involves, on the one hand, the definite article, i.e. a grammatical element, and, on the other hand, some prepositions which, semantically, can be functional or lexical but which function syntactically as grammatical elements. The analysis shows that case inflection of nominals has been transferred to the preposition while the other categories appear in the article which merged with prepositions. Therefore, the fusional forms can be considered as prepositions marked by the grammatical categories of gender, number and definiteness.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alvaro Cerrón-Palomino

This article is a contribution to the study of subject resumptive pronouns (RPs) in Spanish relative clauses (RCs). Previous studies have focused only on the constraints governing RPs across the different functions relativized: subject, direct object and oblique. In this variationist study, two analyses were conducted for the Peruvian Limeño variety: on the one hand, RPs were analyzed as a whole, following the aforementioned tradition; on the other hand, subject RPs were studied separately. When comparing the results of both analyses, it was found that the constraints favoring subject RPs are only a subset of the ones governing RPs as a whole, and the ranking of these constraints is also different. In addition, upon closer inspection, a different type of non-standard subject pronoun was identified: a contrastive one.


2015 ◽  
pp. 279-296
Author(s):  
Marcin Grygiel

Affirmation Modality in Bulgarian, Macedonian and SerbianIn the case of affirmation modality the speakers transform their utterances by stressing or attributing a positive value as an additional component added to the semantic structure of a proposition. This type of affirmative polarization is triggered in opposition to negation or hypothetically negative contexts. The goal of the present paper is twofold: on the one hand to compare and contrast affirmative periphrastic constructions in Bulgarian, Macedonian and Serbian and, on the other hand, to ascertain what these constructions reveal regarding the organization of grammatical categories in general and the status of affirmation modality as a coherent and homogenous category with a linguistic validity.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
pp. 1100
Author(s):  
Ni Ketut Ratna Erawati

Old Javanese is one of the temporal dialects in Indonesia that is estimated to develop from the IX-XV century. The language has a lot of langues inherited in the form of literature kakawin (Old Javanese poetry) and the form of parwa (Old Javanese language prose) until now. Literary works in the form kakawin and parwa are very popular work to be sung in Balinese society especially in religious ceremonies. Therefore, the Old Javanese is very worthy of being used as a linguistic study even though the language is categorized as a dead language. In morphological typology, Old Javanese is an agglutinative type. On the other hand, syntactically the Old Javanese language includes the Split-S typology. Associated with morphological typology and syntax, the Old Javanese has a core system or verb. Thus, the Old Javanese has various forms of verb-alternation in clause structures, either in single clauses or complex clauses. Relative clauses are one part of the complex clause having a change of grammatical relation when the insertion of certain linguistic elements. The topic of this study was the relativity strategy in Old Javanese.  The relativity strategy of Old Javanese was described with related theories and concepts.  Based on the result the Old Javanese could make the subject to be relative by inserting element of the relative sang and ikang. On the other hand there was also an indirect relativity by marking of verbs and penloping.


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